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Jiang Ji

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Jiang Ji
蔣濟
Grand Commandant (太ふとし尉じょう)
In office
1 September 242 (1 September 242) – 18 May 249 (18 May 249)
MonarchCao Fang
Preceded byMan Chong
Succeeded byWang Ling
General Who Leads the Army
(領りょう軍ぐん將軍しょうぐん)
In office
239 (239) – 1 September 242 (1 September 242)
MonarchCao Fang
Regular Mounted Attendant
(散ち騎き常つね侍さむらい)
In office
?–?
MonarchCao Rui
In office
?–223
MonarchCao Pi
General Who Protects the Army
(護まもる軍ぐん將軍しょうぐん)
In office
?–?
MonarchCao Rui
Central Protector of the Army
(中なか護まもる軍ぐん)
In office
228–?
MonarchCao Rui
Master of Writing (尚書しょうしょ)
In office
223–228
Monarchs
East General of the Household
(東中ひがしなか郎ろう將しょう)
In office
223
In office
220–?
MonarchCao Pi
Chief Clerk of the Chancellor of State
(相國しょうこく長ちょう史し)
In office
15 March 220 (15 March 220) – 11 December 220 (11 December 220)
MonarchCao Pi
Personal details
BornUnknown
Huai'an, Anhui
Died(249-05-18)18 May 249[a]
Luoyang, Henan
Children
  • Jiang Xiu
  • at least one other son
OccupationOfficial, general
Courtesy nameZitong (子こ通どおり)
Posthumous nameMarquis Jing (景けい侯こう)
PeerageMarquis of a Chief District (都と鄉きょう侯こう)
In this Chinese name, the family name is Jiang.

Jiang Ji (died 18 May 249),[a] courtesy name Zitong, was an official and military general of the state of Cao Wei during the Three Kingdoms period of China.[1] Born in the late Eastern Han dynasty, Jiang Ji started his career as a low-level official in his native Yang Province before becoming a subordinate of Cao Cao, the warlord who controlled the central government towards the end of the Eastern Han dynasty. After the end of the Eastern Han dynasty, he served in the state of Cao Wei through the reigns of the first three emperors – Cao Pi, Cao Rui and Cao Fang – and held various appointments in the military before rising to Grand Commandant, one of the top positions in the central government. During his service in Wei, he was known for being candid in giving advice to the emperor on various issues, including consolidating power, halting labour-intensive construction projects, and officials' abuses of power. In February 249, he joined the regent Sima Yi in staging a successful coup d'état against his co-regent Cao Shuang, but died from illness a few months later.

Early life and career

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Jiang Ji was from Ping'e County (平ひらめ阿おもね縣けん), Chu State (楚すわえ國こく), Yang Province, which is located north of present-day Huai'an, Anhui.[Sanguozhi 2] He started his career as an accounting officer in the local commandery office and later became a provincial-level attendant officer.[Sanguozhi 3]

When Jiang Ji was serving in Yang Province, he was known for frequently consuming alcohol. One day, Shi Miao (時どき苗なえ), the magistrate of Shouchun County in Yang Province, came to the provincial office to meet Jiang Ji but the latter was drunk. An angry Shi Miao then left. After he returned to Shouchun, he made a wooden statue, labelled it "Jiang Ji the drunkard" (酒徒しゅと蔣濟), placed it in front of a wall, and fired arrows at it day and night.[Sanguozhi zhu 1]

Battle of Hefei

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Main article: Battle of Hefei (208)

In 208, the warlord Sun Quan, who controlled the territories in the Jiangdong (or Wu) region, led his forces to attack Hefei, the administrative centre of Yang Province, which was guarded by the provincial governor Liu Fu. At the time, Cao Cao, the warlord who controlled the Han central government, was at war with Sun Quan's forces in Jing Province and could not come to Liu Fu's aid. He sent a general Zhang Xi (張ちょう喜き) to lead 1,000 horsemen to reinforce Hefei. Zhang Xi also received an order to bring along additional troops from the garrison at Runan Commandery (汝なんじ南みなみ郡ぐん; around present-day Xi County, Henan) along the way to Hefei.[Sanguozhi 4]

In the meantime, Jiang Ji secretly suggested to Liu Fu to spread false news that Zhang Xi was leading 40,000 troops to reinforce Hefei, and that the reinforcements had reached Yulou County (雩婁縣けん; north of present-day Jinzhai County, Anhui).[Sanguozhi 5] Liu Fu agreed and sent three messengers to bring fake letters out of Hefei. Only one of the three returned; the other two were captured by Sun Quan's forces. Sun Quan saw the letters and mistakenly believed that enemy reinforcements were approaching, so he ordered his troops to burn down their camp and retreat back to Jiangdong. The siege on Hefei was thus lifted.[Sanguozhi 6]

Service under Cao Cao

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Advising Cao Cao against relocating the residents of Huainan

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In 209, when Jiang Ji met Cao Cao in Qiao County (譙縣; present-day Bozhou, Anhui), the latter asked him: "In the past, when I was at war with Yuan Shao at Guandu, I wanted to relocate the residents in Yan and Boma, but they refused to move. The enemy also did not dare to force them to move. Today, I want to relocate the residents of Huainan. What should I do?"[Sanguozhi 7]

Jiang Ji replied: "At the time, you were weak while your enemy was strong. If you didn't relocate those people, you would lose them to your enemy. However, since you defeated Yuan Shao, conquered Liucheng in the north, and advanced south towards the Yangtze and Han rivers and Jing Province, the Han Empire has trembled before your might and the people no longer think about opposing you. As people are emotionally attached to their homes, they wouldn't want to relocate elsewhere. If you force them to, they will feel fearful and uneasy."[Sanguozhi 8]

Cao Cao ignored Jiang Ji's advice and tried to force the people of Huainan to relocate. Jiang Ji was proven right as over 100,000 people from Huainan fled south across the Yangtze and settled in Jiangdong.[Sanguozhi 9]

Some years later, when Jiang Ji visited Cao Cao in Ye (in present-day Handan, Hebei), Cao Cao laughed and told him: "I wanted to move those people further away from the enemy but ended up scaring them away instead."[Sanguozhi 10]

Cao Cao's trust in Jiang Ji

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Jiang Ji was subsequently appointed as the Administrator (太守たいしゅ) of Danyang Commandery (丹に楊郡; around present-day Xuancheng, Anhui).[Sanguozhi 11] In late 209, after Cao Cao ordered his forces to retreat from Jing Province following their defeat at the Battle of Jiangling, he appointed Wen Hui as the Inspector (刺史しし) of Yang Province. He also reassigned Jiang Ji to serve as an attendant officer under Wen Hui,[Sanguozhi 12] and sent him a memo as follows: "When Ji Zha was a minister, the state of Wu should have had a ruler. Now that you have returned to your home province, I will have no worries."[Sanguozhi 13]

On one occasion, when Cao Cao heard that some people have formally accused Jiang Ji of being the mastermind behind a treasonous plot, he wrote to Yu Jin and Feng Ren (封ふう仁ひとし): "How could Jiang Ji be involved in something like this? If this really happened, it means that I am not a good judge of character. I am certain that the people are trying to stir up trouble by making such a false accusation." He also sent them a copy of his memo to Jiang Ji, and pressured them to throw out the case against Jiang Ji.[Sanguozhi 14]

Jiang Ji was later reassigned to be a clerk in the office of the Imperial Chancellor, the position held by Cao Cao in the Han central government. Cao Cao sent a memo to Jiang Ji as follows: "When Gao Yao served under Emperor Shun, he caused those who were unkind and uncharitable to shun away. I place my hopes in a virtuous subordinate like you to uphold fairness."[Sanguozhi 15]

Battle of Fancheng

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Main articles: Battle of Fancheng and Lü Meng's invasion of Jing Province

In 219, Guan Yu, a general under a rival warlord Liu Bei, led his troops to attack Fancheng (樊城; present-day Fancheng District, Xiangyang, Hubei), which was guarded by Cao Cao's general Cao Ren. Cao Cao initially sent his general Yu Jin to lead reinforcements to Fancheng to assist Cao Ren, but a flood destroyed the reinforcements, and Yu Jin surrendered to Guan Yu.[2] Upon learning of Yu Jin's defeat, Cao Cao felt that the imperial capital, Xu (許もと; present-day Xuchang, Henan), was too near enemy territory, so he considered moving the imperial capital further north into Hebei.[Sanguozhi 16]

Jiang Ji and Sima Yi advised Cao Cao: "Yu Jin's defeat was not due to flaws in our defences, nor would it significantly affect us. Moving the imperial capital is showing our weakness to the enemy. It will cause panic in the regions around the Huai and Mian rivers. Sun Quan and Liu Bei seem close to each other, but they actually don't trust each other. Sun Quan will feel very uneasy upon seeing Guan Yu's victory, so we should incite him to attack Guan Yu's base in Jing Province. This will lift the siege on Fancheng."[Sanguozhi 17][3]

Cao Cao heeded Jiang Ji and Sima Yi's advice and did not relocate the imperial capital. In the winter of 219–220, Sun Quan ordered his general Lü Meng to lead his troops to attack the key bases of Liu Bei's territories in Jing Province: Gong'an and Jiangling counties. Guan Yu, who was totally caught off guard by Lü Meng's invasion, lost all of Liu Bei's territories in Jing Province. He was eventually captured in an ambush and executed by Sun Quan's forces.[Sanguozhi 18][4]

Service under Cao Pi

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After Cao Cao died in March 220, his son Cao Pi succeeded him as the vassal King of Wei (魏ぎ王おう) under the Eastern Han dynasty.[5] Cao Pi then reassigned Jiang Ji to be the Chief Clerk (長ちょう史ふみ) under Hua Xin, the Chancellor of State (相國しょうこく) of his vassal kingdom at the time.[Sanguozhi 19] In December 220, Cao Pi usurped the throne from the figurehead Emperor Xian, ended the Eastern Han dynasty, and established the state of Cao Wei (or Wei) to replace the Eastern Han dynasty with himself as the new emperor.[5]

After his coronation as emperor, Cao Pi appointed Jiang Ji as East General of the Household (東中ひがしなか郎ろう將しょう).[Sanguozhi 20] When Jiang Ji sought permission to remain in the central government, Cao Pi denied him permission and issued an imperial decree to him as follows: "Emperor Gaozu once sang, 'Where will I find brave men to guard the four corners of my land?' The Empire is not peaceful yet. We need capable officials to guard the borders. It is still not too late for you to retire when the borders are peaceful."[Sanguozhi 21] Jiang Ji later wrote the Wan Ji Lun (萬機ばんき論ろん; Myriad Subtleties),[1] a treatise on government, and presented it to Cao Pi, who applauded his work. Jiang Ji was subsequently recalled to the central government to serve as a Mounted Regular Attendant (散ち騎き常つね侍さむらい).[Sanguozhi 22]

Cautioning Cao Pi against issuing an inappropriate edict

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On one occasion, Cao Pi sent an edict to his general Xiahou Shang as follows: "You are one of my most trusted generals and you are capable of assuming this responsibility. My kindness towards you is worth dying for, and my favour towards you is worth keeping close to your heart. You can do as you please, and you can decide whether people should live or die."[Sanguozhi 23] He then showed a copy of the edict to Jiang Ji and asked him, "What do you think of the culture in this Empire?"[Sanguozhi 24]

Jiang Ji replied, "I don't see anything good. I only see words suggesting an empire's downfall."[Sanguozhi 25] When a shocked Cao Pi asked him to explain, Jiang Ji said, "History has warned us against 'doing as you as please'. The ancients also cautioned us that 'the Son of Heaven should not speak in jest'. I hope that Your Majesty will be more careful with your words!"[Sanguozhi 26] Cao Pi understood what Jiang Ji meant and immediately rescinded his edict.[Sanguozhi 27]

Battle of Ruxu

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Main article: Battle of Ruxu (222–223)

In 222, Jiang Ji accompanied the Wei general Cao Ren on a campaign against Wei's rival state, Eastern Wu, and led a detachment of troops to attack Xianxi (羨とも溪けい; northeast of present-day Wuwei County, Anhui).[Sanguozhi 28] When Cao Ren wanted to attack the Wu-controlled dock at Ruxu (濡須; north of present-day Wuwei County, Anhui), Jiang Ji warned him: "The enemy has occupied the west riverbank and lined up their ships on the upper stream. By leading your troops to attack the island, you are heading straight into hell. This is a path to defeat and destruction." When Cao Ren ignored Jiang Ji's advice and led his troops to attack Ruxu, he ended up being defeated by the Wu defenders.[Sanguozhi 29]

After Cao Ren died in 223, Cao Pi reassigned Jiang Ji to serve as East General of the Household (東中ひがしなか郎ろう將しょう) again and put him temporarily in charge of the units which used to be under Cao Ren's command.[Sanguozhi 30] He sent an edict to Jiang Ji as follows: "You are well-versed in both civil and military affairs, and you are loyal and passionate. As I know that you have the ambition of crossing the river and conquering Wu, I hereby put you in this position of military command."[Sanguozhi 31] However, not long later, he removed Jiang Ji from his command and reassigned him to serve as a Master of Writing (尚書しょうしょ) in the imperial secretariat.[Sanguozhi 32]

Incident at Guangling

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See also: Incident at Guangling

Between September and December 224,[b] Cao Pi went on an inspection tour of Qiao Commandery (譙郡; around present-day Bozhou, Anhui), he decided to set sail along the Huai River towards Guangling Commandery (廣陵こうりょう郡ぐん; around present-day Huai'an, Jiangsu), where he had stationed a naval fleet of over 100,000 troops in preparation for an invasion of the Wu capital, Jianye (present-day Nanjing, Jiangsu).[6]

During this time, Jiang Ji wrote a memorial to the emperor to inform him that the harsh winter weather made it difficult for vessels to sail through the waterways into the Yangtze. He also wrote an essay, "San Zhou Lun" (三さん州しゅう論ろん; "Essay on the Three Provinces"),[1] to indirectly persuade Cao Pi to turn back, but the emperor ignored him and ordered his vessels to sail to Guangling Commandery anyway.[Sanguozhi 33] At Guangling Commandery, after seeing the weather and the Wu defences, the emperor gave up on his plan for invasion and retreated. The Wu general Sun Shao seized this opportunity to send his subordinate Gao Shou (高こう壽ひさし) and 500 men to launch a night raid on Cao Pi's convoy. They succeeded in their attempt and even made off with the parasol of Cao Pi's chariot.[6]

As the Wei naval fleet was stranded due to the weather, some officials proposed that the troops go ashore, break up into agricultural colonies, and start growing crops to ensure that they have adequate food supplies (i.e., the tuntian system). Jiang Ji, however, strongly objected to this approach as he thought that it was too dangerous because the colonies would be too near the Chao Lake to the east and the Huai River to the north, so the Wu forces could take advantage of the high tide period to attack them.[Sanguozhi 34]

Cao Pi heeded Jiang Ji's advice and brought along his troops as they retreated by land. By the time they reached the Jing Lake (精しらげ湖こ), the tide had subsided so Cao Pi left behind all the vessels for Jiang Ji to dispose of them.[Sanguozhi 35] As the vessels were all scattered along the waterways, Jiang Ji ordered his men to dig an additional four or five connecting waterways, gather all the vessels in one location, and build a dam there to block the flow of water from the lake. When the dam was full, they opened it and allowed the force of the water to flush all the vessels out of the waterways into the Huai River.[Sanguozhi 36]

After Cao Pi returned to the Wei capital, Luoyang, he told Jiang Ji: "I have to tell you something. I originally wanted to burn down half of all the vessels in the Shanyang Pool, but you disposed of those vessels and even managed to return to Qiao Commandery around the same time as me. Every piece of advice you gave me thus far is in line with my thoughts. From now on, if we have any plans on attacking the enemy, I hope you will share your views and participate in the discussions."[Sanguozhi 37]

Service under Cao Rui

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In 227, after Cao Rui succeeded his father Cao Pi as the emperor of Wei, he enfeoffed Jiang Ji as a Secondary Marquis (關せき內侯).[Sanguozhi 38]

Battle of Shiting

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Main article: Battle of Shiting

In the following year,[7] when the Wei general Cao Xiu led his troops to attack Wu forces at Wan (皖; present-day Qianshan County, Anhui), Jiang Ji wrote a memorial to Cao Rui as follows: "I do not think it is advisable for Cao Xiu to lead his men deep into enemy territory to engage Sun Quan's elite troops. Besides, there is a risk that Zhu Ran and the Wu forces stationed upstream would attack Cao Xiu from the rear."[Sanguozhi 39] When Cao Xiu and his army reached Wan, the Wu forces advanced to Anlu (安あん陸りく). After hearing about this, Jiang Ji wrote another memorial to Cao Rui: "The enemy is pretending to attack from the west when they actually plan to attack from the east. Your Majesty should quickly send reinforcements to help them."[Sanguozhi 40]

At the time, Cao Xiu and his army had fallen into a Wu ambush at Shiting (石いし亭てい; near present-day Qianshan County, Anhui) and suffered heavy casualties in addition to losing weapons, armour and equipment.[Sanguozhi 41] Just when the Wu forces were preparing to trap Cao Xiu and his surviving men at Jiakou (夾口), Wei reinforcements showed up so the Wu forces retreated and thus Cao Xiu managed to survive. Jiang Ji was subsequently reassigned to serve as Central Protector of the Army (中なか護まもる軍ぐん).[Sanguozhi 42]

Advising Cao Rui on centralising power

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At the time, Jiang Ji perceived that the officials who held two key appointments in the imperial palace – Prefect of the Palace Writers (中書ちゅうしょ令れい) and Supervisor of the Palace Writers (中書ちゅうしょ監かん) – wielded too much power, so he wrote a memorial to Cao Rui as follows:[Sanguozhi 43]

"If officials wield too much power, the state will be in peril. If the ruler gets too close to his subjects, his judgment will be clouded. These are lessons from history. In the past, when powerful officials dominated politics, there was turmoil within and outside the government.[Sanguozhi 44] Your Majesty has earned everyone's respect for your wisdom and knowledge, and for personally seeing to all affairs of the state. If Your Majesty's authority and influence diminishes vis-à-vis your officials, everyone will gradually lose respect for you even when they may not necessarily be disloyal towards you. This is how things will naturally turn out.[Sanguozhi 45] While Your Majesty treats your key officials in a fair and objective manner, I hope that you will do the same for your close attendants. Even though your close attendants are probably better at pleasing people, they may not be as loyal, upright, wise, virtuous and capable as your key officials.[Sanguozhi 46] As of now, whenever officials talk about work, they tend to mention the Palace Writers a lot. I know that Your Majesty has ordered the Palace Writers to behave in a respectful and humble manner, and to refrain from having private dealings outside the palace. However, once it becomes known that Your Majesty favours them, they can exert a corrupting influence on people. Moreover, as the Palace Writers are highly influential and have close contact with Your Majesty, the officials will start currying favour with them because they know that the Palace Writers are the ones who make decisions when Your Majesty is unwell.[Sanguozhi 47] Once there is such a precedent, the Palace Writers will try to consolidate greater power by influencing political discourse and giving out favours to officials in exchange for their support. If this happens, the principles of fairness will be distorted, and rewards and punishments will no longer be given out fairly. They will also try to monopolise the channels of communication between Your Majesty and the officials by giving preferential access to those who fawn on them. As Your Majesty keeps them by your side and highly trusts them, you may not realise that they are influencing your judgment. In such a situation, a wise emperor will show his people that he knows what is going on throughout his empire, so that his close attendants will know that they cannot influence him.[Sanguozhi 48] None of the key officials have spoken up on this issue yet probably because they are afraid of offending Your Majesty's close attendants. I sincerely believe that Your Majesty can think for yourself, listen to advice from different people, and be able to distinguish between good and bad, and truth and falsehood, and thereby take action accordingly. In doing so, Your Majesty will be comparable to the Yellow Emperor and Emperor Yao of ancient times, and Emperor Wu and Emperor Wen of more recent times. By then, will we still need to talk about the prevailing culture?[Sanguozhi 49] As it is impossible for Your Majesty to govern the entire empire alone, you will need to delegate authority to your officials. When Your Majesty puts an official in multiple appointments, you should make sure that he is as loyal as the Duke of Zhou and as fair as Guan Yiwu, or else he will monopolise power and use it for corrupt purposes.[Sanguozhi 50] As of now, there are not many officials capable of serving as pillars of the state, but there are many who are virtuous, competent, wise, loyal, faithful and hardworking enough to assume important responsibilities. They will prevent Your Majesty's government from becoming a corrupt government.[Sanguozhi 51]

In response, Cao Rui sent Jiang Ji an edict which read: "Rulers rely on subjects of strong character. (Jiang) Ji is well-versed in both civil and military affairs and he performs his duties faithfully. Every time there is a discussion on major issues, he will either send in a memorial or speak up to express his views. I am very impressed by his initiative and loyalty."[Sanguozhi 52] Cao Rui then promoted Jiang Ji to General Who Protects the Army (護まもる軍ぐん將軍しょうぐん) and granted him an additional appointment as a Mounted Regular Attendant (散ち騎き常つね侍さむらい).[Sanguozhi 53]

Advising Cao Rui against attacking Liaodong

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In 232, Cao Rui wanted to order Tian Yu and Wang Xiong (王おう雄つよし), who were respectively the governors of Ping and You provinces, to lead their troops to attack the Liaodong region, which was then ruled by the warlord Gongsun Yuan, a vassal of the Cao Wei state. Tian Yu and Wang Xiong would lead their forces to attack Liaodong via sea and land respectively.[Sanguozhi zhu 2]

When Jiang Ji heard about it, he wrote a memorial to Cao Rui to dissuade the emperor from attacking Liaodong:

"A ruler should not be so eager to attack a non-hostile foreign state or a non-traitorous vassal. If he fails to defeat them, he will only force them to oppose him. That is why there is such a saying: 'When the tiger or wolf blocks your path, you do not attack the fox or raccoon dog. You should eliminate the greater threat first, and then the lesser threat will weaken on its own.' The people of Liaodong have been loyal towards you for generations and have been paying tribute every year. Even if you succeed in conquering Liaodong and capture its people and riches, the gains would be so minimal that they would not significantly benefit you. If you fail to conquer Liaodong, you will not only lose their trust but also antagonise them."[Sanguozhi zhu 3]

Cao Rui ignored Jiang Ji's advice and ordered Tian Yu to go ahead and attack Liaodong. Tian Yu and his troops pulled back without any success from the campaign.[Sanguozhi zhu 4]

Advising Cao Rui against his construction projects

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During the Jingchu era (237–239) of Cao Rui's reign, the Cao Wei state not only frequently waged war against its rival states Eastern Wu and Shu Han, but also embarked on labour-intensive palace construction projects. The wars and projects took a heavy toll on the common people and incurred much public resentment against the Wei government. To make matters worse, the poor harvest during those years also led to a shortage of grain.[Sanguozhi 54]

Jiang Ji wrote a memorial to Cao Rui as follows:

"Your Majesty should continue to build on the progress made by your predecessors and expand their glorious legacy. Now is not the time for you to relax and rule the Empire as if it were peace time. Although the Empire covers territories from 12 provinces, its total population is actually less than the population of a single commandery in the Han dynasty. As our two rival states have yet to be vanquished, our soldiers still stand guard at the borders and spend their time either farming or fighting. This has resulted in widespread public resentment.[Sanguozhi 55] While the imperial palace and ancestral temple have yet to be fully built, there are too few people working on agriculture and there are many people who do not have enough to feed and clothe themselves. Therefore, our current exigencies are to stop draining energy and resources from the people, and let the people rest and recuperate. When hundreds of thousands of starving and exhausted people encounter a natural disaster, they will no longer be willing to submit to authority. We should not deprive the people of an opportunity to grow food and stock up when they have the chance to.[Sanguozhi 56] A ruler who wishes to become powerful should carefully assess the strengths and weaknesses of his people, and help them alleviate their poverty, pain and suffering. In the past, Goujian encouraged his people to increase their population for uses in the future, while King Zhao of Yan showed compassion towards his people who died from disease and gained their support in helping him avenge their humiliation later on. That was how a weak state like Yan could defeat a more powerful state like Qi, and how the weak Yue could conquer its more powerful rival Wu. As of now, if you do not attack our two rival states, you will not be able to destroy them. Since you do not want to give in to them, then you should attack them. If you do not eliminate them when you are still alive, future generations will hold you responsible.[Sanguozhi 57] If Your Majesty can put your wisdom and intelligence to good use, put aside those unimportant issues for now, and focus solely on eliminating our rival states, then I think nothing will be too hard for Your Majesty. Moreover, indulgence in sensual pleasures will only drain away a person's energy. If a person keeps losing energy, he will become weak and feeble, and that will ultimately take a toll on his health and well-being. I hope that Your Majesty will choose to do the things that will benefit not just yourself, but future generations as well. As for all other less important issues, I think you should temporarily put them aside and ignore them, so as to keep your mind sharp and focused."[Sanguozhi 58]

In response, Cao Rui sent Jiang Ji an edict which read: "If I did not have you, General Who Protects the Army, I will not be able to hear such advice."[Sanguozhi 59]

Analysing Gongsun Yuan's alliance with Sun Quan

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In 238,[8] when Gongsun Yuan learnt that Cao Rui was planning to attack him, he pledged allegiance to Sun Quan, the emperor of Eastern Wu, and asked Sun Quan to send reinforcements to Liaodong to help him.[Sanguozhi zhu 5] When Cao Rui heard about it, he asked Jiang Ji, "Do you think Sun Quan will send troops to Liaodong?"[Sanguozhi zhu 6]

Jiang Ji replied: "He knows that our defences are strong and that he won't gain any advantage. If he sends his forces deep into enemy territory, it won't be a sustainable campaign; if he attacks only the periphery, it will be a waste of manpower and resources for him. Sun Quan doesn't even care when his sons and brothers are in danger, so why would he care about a distant ally who has humiliated him before? The reason why he is spreading news that he will be sending aid to Gongsun Yuan is because he wants to confuse us. He will only take action if we fail to defeat Gongsun Yuan. However, as we are separated by land and water from Liaodong, if we attack Liaodong, we must ensure that we conquer it swiftly, or else Sun Quan might send lightly armed forces to launch small raids at our borders. This is something we should be wary of."[Sanguozhi zhu 7]

Service under Cao Fang

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In January 239, following Cao Rui's death, his adopted son Cao Fang succeeded him as the next emperor of Wei. After his coronation, Cao Fang reassigned Jiang Ji to serve as General Who Leads the Army (領りょう軍ぐん將軍しょうぐん) and enfeoffed him as the Marquis of Changling Village (昌あきら陵りょう亭てい侯こう). On 1 September 242, he promoted Jiang Ji to the position of Grand Commandant (太ふとし尉じょう)[Sanguozhi 60] to replace Man Chong, who died some months earlier.[c]

Debate on the Cao clan's ancestry

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When there was a discussion in the imperial court on the ritual for ancestor veneration in outdoor settings, Gaotang Long suggested that the emperor should also worship the mythical Emperor Shun, who was believed to be the ancestor of the Cao clan, the imperial clan of Wei. Jiang Ji, however, disagreed and wrote a memorial to point out that Gaotang Long was wrong. He noted that the mythical emperor's family name was actually Gui (媯) and that his descendants later adopted Tian (田た) as their family name, therefore he was not an ancestor of the Cao clan.[Sanguozhi 61]

In his annotations to Jiang Ji's biography in the Sanguozhi, Pei Songzhi recorded that Jiang Ji claimed that there was a line on Cao Teng's tombstone which read: "The Cao clan originated from Zhu". Pei Songzhi also noted that the Book of Wei (魏ぎ書しょ), the official history of the Cao Wei state, confirmed Jiang Ji's claim.[Sanguozhi zhu 8]

However, Pei Songzhi also pointed out that there was evidence which contradicted Jiang Ji's claim. When Cao Cao wrote his own family history, he mentioned that he descended from Cao Shu Zhenduo (曹叔振鐸), the first ruler of the vassal state of Cao and a member of the royal clan of the Zhou dynasty. Cao Cao's son Cao Zhi also wrote in a eulogy for his father that they descended from the royal clan of the Zhou dynasty.[Sanguozhi zhu 9] In the early Jingchu era (237–239), Cao Rui accepted Gaotang Long's claim that the Wei emperors descended from Emperor Shun. When the Jin dynasty replaced the Cao Wei state, Cao Huan's abdication statement contained the following line: "my imperial ancestor was Yu (Shun)". This resulted in greater discrepancies between sources on the Cao clan's ancestry.[Sanguozhi zhu 10]

Gaotang Long was not the only person whom Jiang Ji argued with over the ancestry of the Cao clan. Jiang Ji also debated extensively with Miao Xi (繆襲) and they wrote to each other several times throughout the debate. Their writings, however, were not recorded in history as there were too many. Although Jiang Ji ultimately could not determine the Cao clan's ancestry, he concluded that it was nonsensical and disrespectful to honour Emperor Shun as the Cao clan's ancestor when he was not, and that doing so would be equivalent to insulting Cao Cao. The mistake was not corrected at the time.[Sanguozhi zhu 11]

Speaking up against Cao Shuang's abuses of power

[edit]

Between 239 and 249, the regent Cao Shuang effectively controlled the central government and monopolised power. His supporters, who included Ding Mi (丁ちょう謐) and Deng Yang, changed the laws to suit their purposes whenever they wanted.[Sanguozhi 62]

When there was a solar eclipse, Cao Fang summoned all the officials to ask them if it was a bad omen.[Sanguozhi 63] In response to the emperor's question, Jiang Ji wrote a memorial as follows:

"In the past, when Emperor Shun ruled, he warned his subjects against forming factions to pursue their own interests. When the Duke of Zhou served as regent, he also took great care to prevent the officials from forming factions. When the Marquis of Qi asked about natural disasters, Yan Ying advised him to show care and compassion towards the people. When the Lord of Lu asked about strange phenomena, Zangsun urged him to reduce corvée.[Sanguozhi 64] The people have the ability to follow the will of Heaven and avert natural disasters. As of now, our two rival states have yet to be vanquished, and our soldiers have been away at the battlefields for over a decade. Men and women are very resentful and the people suffer from poverty.[Sanguozhi 65] Only someone of great talent should be entrusted with the important responsibility of designing and establishing a state's legal system, so that it can be passed on to future generations. How can any low- or mid-level official simply change the laws as he pleases? This will not only be of no benefit to the state, but also be harmful to the people's well-being. I hope that Your Majesty will order all officials to know their place and perform their duties faithfully, so as to achieve peace and harmony. By doing so, we will be able to create an atmosphere that will attract prosperity and good luck."[Sanguozhi 66]

Incident at Gaoping Tombs

[edit]
Main article: Incident at Gaoping Tombs

On 5 February 249,[10] Jiang Ji joined Sima Yi, Cao Shuang's co-regent, in staging a coup d'état against Cao Shuang when Cao Shuang was away with Cao Fang on a visit to the Gaoping Tombs (高平たかひら陵りょう). After Sima Yi and his supporters seized control of the imperial capital Luoyang, Jiang Ji accompanied them as they led their troops to the floating bridge above the Luo River outside Luoyang. There, Sima Yi sent a memorial to Cao Fang, listing out Cao Shuang's "crimes" (e.g., not fulfilling his duty as regent, corrupting the government) and requesting the emperor to remove Cao Shuang and his brothers from their positions of power.[11] Cao Shuang ultimately surrendered and relinquished his powers as regent to Sima Yi. On 9 February 249, a powerless Cao Shuang, along with his family, his supporters and their families, were rounded up and executed on charges of treason.[Sanguozhi 67]

Later life and death

[edit]

After the coup d'état, Cao Fang issued an edict to elevate Jiang Ji from the status of a village marquis to a Marquis of a Chief District (都と鄉きょう侯こう) and award him a marquisate comprising 700 taxable households.[Sanguozhi 68] However, Jiang Ji declined the honour and wrote a memorial as follows:

"I am ashamed of having been in Your Majesty's favour, while allowing Cao Shuang to harbour such traitorous thoughts. It is a form of negligence on my part. When the Grand Tutor acted autocratically and decisively, Your Majesty showed understanding towards his loyalty and ensured that the guilty were punished accordingly. This is to the people's benefit. Rewards should be given to those who have shown merit or made good contributions. I can neither forecast the future when it comes to long-term planning, nor command the troops when it comes to war. I have failed to give appropriate advice to my superiors, and failed to prevent my subordinates from clouding my judgment. As I hold an important office, the people will pay close attention to everything I say and do. I am truly worried that if I accept this honour, I will be setting a negative example for people to follow. People will think that they can get rewarded even when they have done nothing meritorious, and will be less inclined to show humility and politeness in accepting rewards."[Sanguozhi 69]

Cao Fang denied him permission and insisted that he accept the peerage and marquisate.[Sanguozhi 70] The Jin dynasty historian Sun Sheng praised Jiang Ji for showing good conscience when he declined the honour. He remarked that Jiang Ji's behaviour fit the saying: "neither was he tempted by greed nor did he feel ashamed of being righteous".[Sanguozhi zhu 12]

Jiang Ji died on 18 May 249[a] and was honoured with the posthumous title "Marquis Jing" (景けい侯こう).[Sanguozhi 71]

The Shiyu (世よ語ご) recorded that during the Incident at Gaoping Tombs, Jiang Ji wrote to Cao Shuang and promised him that Sima Yi only wanted him to give up his powers as regent. When Cao Shuang was executed after his downfall, Jiang Ji felt so upset for failing to keep his promise that he fell sick and eventually died a few months later.[Sanguozhi zhu 13]

Family and descendants

[edit]

Jiang Ji's son, Jiang Xiu (蔣秀), inherited his father's peerage as a Marquis of a Chief District (都と鄉きょう侯こう). After Jiang Xiu died, his son Jiang Kai (蔣凱) inherited the peerage in turn. During the Xianxi era (264–265), the Cao Wei government established a new five-rank nobility system and converted Jiang Kai's peerage to the Viscount of Xiacai (下しも蔡子).[Sanguozhi 72]

Encounter with the supernatural

[edit]

When Jiang Ji held the position of General Who Leads the Army (領りょう軍ぐん將軍しょうぐん), his wife dreamt about their deceased son crying out to her: "I am separated from you by death. When I was still alive, I was a son of a government official and general. Now when I am in the netherworld, I have become a lowly servant to the gods of Mount Tai. I feel so depressed and humiliated! There is a scholar-official called Sun E (孫まご阿おもね) who lives west of the imperial ancestral temple. He will soon be summoned to the netherworld to serve as the magistrate of Mount Tai. I hope that you, Mother, can help me ask Father to inform Sun E and request him to reassign me to a better place."[Sanguozhi zhu 14] After Jiang Ji's wife woke up, she told her husband about her dream, but he dismissed it and said, "It's just a dream. There's nothing to worry about."[Sanguozhi zhu 15]

The following night, Jiang Ji's wife dreamt about her son again. This time, he told her: "I am here to welcome the new magistrate from the imperial ancestral temple. I am able to visit you now as I still have some free time before my mission starts. The new magistrate will be leaving tomorrow at noon. As I will be very busy tomorrow, I won't be able to visit you. I hope that you will speak to Father again. There is no harm trying." He then described Sun E's physical appearance in detail.[Sanguozhi zhu 16] In the morning, Jiang Ji's wife told her husband: "As you said, there's nothing to worry about since it's a dream. However, this is too much of a coincidence. Besides, there is no harm trying."[Sanguozhi zhu 17]

Jiang Ji then sent his men to find Sun E, and they found him near the imperial ancestral temple. He looked exactly like how Jiang Ji's son described him.[Sanguozhi zhu 18] Jiang Ji shed tears and said, "I nearly let my son down!" He then told Sun E about his wife's dreams.[Sanguozhi zhu 19] When Sun E heard that he was going to die soon, he was not afraid at all and even felt delighted when he heard that he would become a magistrate in the netherworld. He told Jiang Ji, "If what you said is true, I am most willing to help him. However, I don't know what your son wants." Jiang Ji replied, "Maybe you can just assign him to a job that he enjoys doing." After Sun E promised Jiang Ji that he would do so, Jiang Ji presented him expensive gifts and returned to his office.[Sanguozhi zhu 20]

As Jiang Ji was eager to verify his wife's dreams, he deployed a line of guards from his office to the imperial ancestral temple, with a space of 10 steps between every two guards, so that they could relay any information from the temple to him in the shortest time possible. Later that morning, he heard that Sun E suffered a heart attack. By noon, he received news that Sun E was dead.[Sanguozhi zhu 21] He wept and said, "Although I feel sad that my son died early, I am also pleased to know that he will be doing well in the netherworld." A month later, Jiang Ji's wife told her husband that she dreamt about their son again, and he told her that Sun E had reassigned him to be a secretary/scribe.[Sanguozhi zhu 22]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^ a b c Cao Fang's biography in the Sanguozhi recorded that Jiang Ji died on the bingzi day of the 4th month of the 1st year of the Jiaping era in Cao Fang's reign.[Sanguozhi 1] This date corresponds to 18 May 249 in the Gregorian calendar.
  2. ^ The Zizhi Tongjian recorded that this took place between the 8th and 10th months of the 5th year of the Huangchu era (220–226) of Cao Pi's reign.[6] These months correspond to 20 September to 17 December 224 in the Gregorian calendar.
  3. ^ Cao Fang's biography in the Sanguozhi recorded that Jiang Ji was appointed as the Grand Commandant on the yiyou day of the 7th month of the 3rd year of the Zhengshi era in Cao Fang's reign.[9] This date corresponds to 1 September 242 in the Gregorian calendar.

References

[edit]
Citations from the Sanguozhi
  1. ^ [嘉平かへい元年がんねん夏なつ四よん月がつ]丙へい子こ，太ふとし尉じょう蔣濟薨。) Sanguozhi vol. 4.
  2. ^ (蔣濟字じ子こ通どおり，楚すわえ國平くにへい阿おもね人ひと也。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  3. ^ (仕つかまつ郡ぐん計けい吏、州しゅう別べつ駕が。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  4. ^ (建けん安やす十じゅう三さん年ねん，孫まご權けん率りつ衆しゅ圍かこえ合あい肥こえ。時とき大軍たいぐん征せい荊州，遇ぐう疾やまし疫，唯ただ遣や將軍しょうぐん張ちょう喜き單たん將しょう千せん騎き，過か領りょう汝なんじ南兵みなみへい以解圍かこえ，頗復疾やまし疫。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  5. ^ (濟すみ乃密白しろ刺史しし偽にせ得とく喜き書しょ，云うん步ふ騎き四萬已到雩婁，遣や主おも簿ぼ迎むかえ喜き。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  6. ^ (三部使齎書語城中守將，一部いちぶ得とく入城にゅうじょう，二に部ぶ為ため賊ぞく所得しょとく。權けん信之のぶゆき，遽燒圍かこえ走はし，城しろ用よう得え全ぜん。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  7. ^ (明年みょうねん使つかい於譙，太ふとし祖そ問とい濟ずみ曰：「昔むかし孤こ與あずか袁本初はつ對たい官かん渡わたり，徙燕、白馬はくば民みん，民みん不ふ得え走はし，賊ぞく亦また不ふ敢鈔。今こん欲よく徙淮南みなみ民みん，何なに如？」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  8. ^ (濟すみ對たい曰：「是ぜ時じ兵へい弱じゃく賊ぞく彊つよし，不ふ徙必失しつ之の。自じ破やぶ袁紹，北きた拔柳城じょう，南みなみ向江むかえ、漢かん，荊州交臂，威い震ふるえ天下でんか，民みん無む他た志こころざし。然しか百姓ひゃくしょう懷ふところ土ど，實じつ不ふ樂らく徙，懼必不安ふあん。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  9. ^ (太ふとし祖そ不ふ從したがえ，而江、淮間十じゅう餘あまり萬まん衆しゅ，皆みな驚おどろき走はし吳くれ。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  10. ^ (後こう濟すみ使し詣まい鄴，太ふとし祖そ迎むかえ見み大だい笑わらい曰：「本ほん但ただし欲よく使し避賊，乃更驅か盡つき之これ。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  11. ^ (拜はい濟ずみ丹に楊太守もり。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  12. ^ (大軍たいぐん南みなみ征せい還かえ，以溫恢為揚あげ州しゅう刺史しし，濟すみ為ため別べつ駕が。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  13. ^ (令れい曰：「季子としこ為ため臣しん，吳ご宜むべ有ゆう君くん。今いま君くん還かえ州しゅう，吾われ無む憂ゆう矣。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  14. ^ (民有みんゆう誣告ぶこく濟ずみ為ため謀叛ぼうほん主ぬし率りつ者しゃ，太ふとし祖そ聞之，指ゆび前まえ令れい與あずか左ひだり將軍しょうぐん于禁、沛相封ふう仁じん等とう曰：「蔣濟寧やすし有ゆう此事！有ゆう此事，吾われ為ため不ふ知人ちじん也。此必愚民ぐみん樂らく亂みだれ，妄引之の耳みみ。」促理出で之の。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  15. ^ (辟為丞相じょうしょう主ぬし簿ぼ西にし曹屬。令れい曰：「舜しゅん舉臯陶すえ，不ふ仁者じんしゃ遠とお；臧否得どく中ちゅう，望もち於賢屬ぞく矣。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  16. ^ (關せき羽はね圍かこえ樊、襄じょう陽ひ。太ふとし祖そ以漢帝みかど在ざい許もと，近きん賊ぞく，欲よく徙都。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  17. ^ (司馬しば宣せん王おう及濟說せつ太ふとし祖そ曰：「于禁等とう為ため水すい所しょ沒ぼつ，非ひ戰せん攻おさむ之これ失しつ，於國家こっか大計たいけい未み足あし有ゆう損そん。劉りゅう備、孫まご權けん，外そと親おや內踈，關せき羽はね得とく志こころざし，權けん必不願ねがい也。可か遣や人ひと勸すすむ躡其後ご，許もと割わり江南こうなん以封權けん，則のり樊圍自じ解かい。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  18. ^ (太ふとし祖そ如其言ごと。權けん聞之，即そく引兵西にし襲かさね公安こうあん、江こう陵りょう。羽はね遂とげ見み禽。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  19. ^ (文ぶん帝みかど即そく王位おうい，轉てん為相ためすけ國長くにおさ史し。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  20. ^ (及踐阼，出で為ため東中ひがしなか郎ろう將しょう。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  21. ^ (濟すみ請留うけどめ，詔みことのり曰：「高祖こうそ歌か曰『安やす得え猛もう士し守もり四方しほう』！天下てんか未み寧やすし，要よう須良臣しん以鎮邊境へんきょう。如其無事ぶじ，乃還鳴な玉たま，未み為ため後ご也。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  22. ^ (濟すみ上じょう萬まん機き論ろん，帝みかど善之よしゆき。入にゅう為ため散ち騎き常つね侍さむらい。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  23. ^ (時じ有ゆう詔みことのり，詔みことのり征せい南みなみ將軍しょうぐん夏なつ侯こう尚なお曰：「卿きょう腹心ふくしん重じゅう將しょう，時じ當とう任にん使し。恩おん施ほどこせ足あし死し，惠めぐみ愛可あいか懷ふところ。作さく威い作さく福ぶく，殺人さつじん活かつ人じん。」尚なお以示濟ずみ。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  24. ^ (濟すみ旣すんで至いたり，帝みかど問とい曰；「卿きょう所しょ聞見天下でんか風教ふうきょう何なん如？」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  25. ^ (濟すみ對たい曰：「未み有ゆう他た善ぜん，但ただし見み亡國ぼうこく之の語かたり耳みみ。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  26. ^ (帝みかど忿然作さく色しょく而問其故，濟すみ具ぐ以荅，因いん曰：「夫おっと『作さく威い作さく福ぶく』，書しょ之の明あかり誡。『天子てんし無む戲言ざれごと』，古人こじん所しょ慎まき。惟おもんみ陛下へいか察之！」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  27. ^ (於是帝みかど意い解かい，遣や追つい取前とりまえ詔みことのり。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  28. ^ (黃き初はつ三さん年ねん，與あずか大だい司馬しば曹仁征せい吳ご，濟すみ別べつ襲かさね羨とも溪けい。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  29. ^ (仁ひとし欲よく攻おさむ濡須洲しゅう中ちゅう，濟すみ曰：「賊ぞく據よりどころ西岸せいがん，列れつ船せん上流じょうりゅう，而兵入にゅう洲しゅう中ちゅう，是ぜ為ため自じ內地獄じごく，危亡之の道也みちや。」仁ひとし不ふ從したがえ，果はて敗はい。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  30. ^ (仁ひとし薨，復ふく以濟為ため東中ひがしなか郎ろう將しょう，代だい領りょう其兵。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  31. ^ (詔みことのり曰：「卿きょう兼けん資し文武ぶんぶ，志こころざし節ぶし忼愾，常つね有ゆう超越ちょうえつ江湖こうこ吞吳會かい之の志こころざし，故こ復ふく授將率りつ之の任にん。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  32. ^ (頃ごろ之の，徵しるし為ため尚書しょうしょ。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  33. ^ (車くるま駕が幸こう廣陵こうりょう，濟すみ表ひょう水道すいどう難なん通どおり，又また上うえ三さん州しゅう論ろん以諷帝みかど。帝みかど不ふ從したがえ， ...) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  34. ^ (... 於是戰せん船せん數すう千せん皆みな滯とどこお不ふ得とく行ぎょう。議ぎ者しゃ欲よく就留兵へい屯田とんでん，濟すみ以為東ひがし近きん湖みずうみ，北きた臨淮，若水わかみず盛時せいじ，賊ぞく易やす為ため寇，不可ふか安やす屯たむろ。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  35. ^ (帝みかど從したがえ之これ，車くるま駕が即發そくはつ。還かえ到いた精しらげ湖こ，水みず稍やや盡つき，盡つき留とめ船せん付づけ濟ずみ。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  36. ^ (船ふね本ほん歷れき適てき數すう百ひゃく里り中ちゅう，濟すみ更さら鑿地作さく四よん五ご道みち，蹴け船令せんれい聚；豫よ作土さくど豚ぶた遏斷湖水こすい，皆みな引後船せん，一時開遏入淮中。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  37. ^ (帝みかど還かえ洛陽らくよう，謂いい濟ずみ曰：「事こと不可ふか不ふ曉あかつき。吾われ前ぜん決けつ謂いい分ぶん半燒はんしょう舩於山陽さんよう池ち中ちゅう，卿きょう於後致之，略ほぼ與あずか吾われ俱至譙。又また每まい得とく所しょ陳ひね，實じつ入いれ吾われ意い。自今じこん討賊計畫けいかく，善ぜん思おもえ論ろん之の。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  38. ^ (明あきら帝みかど即位そくい，賜たまもの爵關內侯。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  39. ^ (大だい司馬しば曹休帥そち軍ぐん向こう皖，濟すみ表ひょう以為「深入ふかいり虜とりこ地ち，與あずか權けん精兵せいびょう對たい，而朱然しか等ひとし在ざい上流じょうりゅう，乘じょう休きゅう後ご，臣しん未見みけん其利也としや。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  40. ^ (軍ぐん至いたり皖，吳ご出兵しゅっぺい安やす陸りく，濟すみ又また上うえ疏曰：「今こん賊ぞく示しめせ形がた於西，必欲并兵圖ず東ひがし，宜むべ急きゅう詔みことのり諸しょ軍ぐん往救之の。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  41. ^ (會かい休きゅう軍ぐん已やめ敗はい，盡つき棄器仗輜重しちょう退すさ還かえ。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  42. ^ (吳ご欲よく塞ふさが夾口，遇ぐう救すくい兵へい至いたり，是ぜ以官軍ぐん得え不ふ沒ぼつ。遷為中ちゅう護まもる軍ぐん。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  43. ^ (時じ中書ちゅうしょ監かん、令れい號ごう為ため專任せんにん，濟すみ上じょう疏曰： ...) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  44. ^ (「大臣だいじん太ふと重おも者しゃ國こく危，左右さゆう太ふと親おや者しゃ身み蔽，古いにしえ之の至いたり戒也。往者おうしゃ大臣だいじん秉事，外そと內扇動せんどう。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  45. ^ (陛下へいか卓然たくぜん自じ覽らん萬まん機き，莫不祗肅。夫おっと大臣だいじん非ひ不ふ忠也ちゅうや，然しか威い權けん在ざい下した，則のり衆しゅ心こころ慢上，勢いきおい之の常つね也。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  46. ^ (陛下へいか旣すんで已やめ察之於大おだい臣しん，願ねがい無む忘於左右さゆう。左右さゆう忠正ただまさ遠慮えんりょ，未必みひつ賢けん於大おだい臣しん，至いたり於便辟取合とりあえ，或ある能のう工こう之の。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  47. ^ (今こん外そと所しょ言げん，輒云中書ちゅうしょ，雖使恭きょう慎まき不ふ敢外交がいこう，但ただし有ゆう此名，猶なお惑世俗せぞく。況きょう實じつ握にぎ事こと要よう，日在ひあり目前もくぜん，儻因疲つかれ倦之間あいだ有ゆう所しょ割わり制せい，衆しゅう臣しん見み其能推移すいい於事，即そく亦また因いん時じ而向之の。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  48. ^ (一いち有ゆう此端，因いん當とう內設自じ完かん，以此衆しゅ語ご，私わたし招所交，為之ためゆき內援。若わか此，臧否毀譽きよ，必有所しょ興きょう，功いさお負ふ賞罰しょうばつ，必有所しょ易えき；直道なおみち而上者しゃ或ある壅，曲きょく附ふ左右さゆう者しゃ反はん達たち。因いん微ほろ而入，緣えん形がた而出，意い所しょ狎信，不ふ復ふく猜覺。此宜聖ひじり智さとし所しょ當とう早はや聞，外そと以經意い，則のり形がた際ぎわ自じ見み。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  49. ^ (或ある恐こわ朝臣あそん畏かしこ言げん不ふ合ごう而受左右さゆう之の怨，莫適以聞。臣しん竊亮陛下へいか潛せん神しん默だま思おもえ，公聽こうちょう並なみ觀かん，若わか事こと有未ゆみ盡つき於理而物有未ゆみ周しゅう於用，將はた改あらため曲きょく易えき調ちょう，遠とお與あずか黃き、唐から角すみ功いさお，近きん昭武あきたけ、文ぶん之の迹，豈あに近習きんじゅ而已哉！) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  50. ^ (然しか人君じんくん猶なお不可ふか悉天下か事ごと以適己おのれ明あきら，當とう有ゆう所しょ付づけ。三さん官かん任にん一いち臣しん，非ひ周しゅう公こう旦だん之の忠ちゅう，又また非ひ管かん夷えびす吾われ之の公おおやけ，則のり有ゆう弄ろう機き敗はい官かん之の弊へい。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  51. ^ (當今とうぎん柱石ちゅうせき之の士し雖少，至いたり於行稱しょう一いち州しゅう，智さとし效こう一いち官かん，忠信ちゅうしん竭命，各かく奉たてまつ其職，可か並なみ驅か策さく，不ふ使つかい聖ひじり明あきら之の朝あさ有ゆう專せん吏之名めい也。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  52. ^ (詔みことのり曰：「夫おっと骨こつ鯁之臣しん，人にん主ぬし之これ所しょ仗也。濟すみ才ざい兼けん文武ぶんぶ，服ふく勤つとむ盡つき節ぶし，每まい軍國ぐんこく大事だいじ，輒有奏そう議ぎ，忠誠ちゅうせい奮發ふんぱつ，吾われ甚壯之の。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  53. ^ (就遷為ため護まもる軍ぐん將軍しょうぐん，加か散ち騎き常つね侍さむらい。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  54. ^ (景けい初はつ中ちゅう，外勤がいきん征せい役やく，內務宮室きゅうしつ，怨曠者しゃ多た，而年糓饑儉。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  55. ^ (濟すみ上じょう疏曰：「陛下へいか方かた當とう恢崇前ぜん緒いとぐち，光ひかり濟ずみ遺業いぎょう，誠まこと未み得とく高枕たかまくら而治也。今こん雖有十じゅう二に州しゅう，至いたり於民數すう，不ふ過か漢かん時じ一大いちだい郡ぐん。二に賊ぞく未み誅，宿やど兵へい邊あたり陲，且耕且戰，怨曠積年せきねん。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  56. ^ (宗廟そうびょう宮室きゅうしつ，百事ひゃくじ草創そうそう，農のう桑くわ者しゃ少しょう，衣食いしょく者しゃ多た，今こん其所急きゅう，唯ただ當とう息いき耗百姓ひゃくしょう，不ふ至いたり甚弊。弊へい攰之民みん，儻有水すい旱ひでり，百ひゃく萬まん之これ衆しゅ，不為ふため國こく用よう。凡使民みん必須ひっす農のう隙すき，不ふ奪だつ其時。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  57. ^ (夫おっと欲ほし大だい興きょう功こう之の君きみ，先さき料りょう其民力りょく而燠休きゅう之の。句く踐養胎以待まち用よう，昭あきら王おう恤病以雪仇かたき，故こ能のう以弱燕つばめ服ふく彊つよし齊ひとし，羸越滅めつ勁吳。今いま二に敵てき不ふ攻おさむ不滅ふめつ，不ふ事こと即そく侵おかせ，當身あてみ不ふ除じょ，百ひゃく世せい之の責せめ也。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  58. ^ (以陛下か聖ひじり明あきら神かみ武之たけゆき略りゃく，舍しゃ其緩者しゃ，專心せんしん討賊，臣しん以為無難ぶなん矣。又また歡娛之の躭，害がい於精爽；神かみ太ふとし用よう則そく竭，形かたち太ふとし勞ろう則そく弊へい。願ねがい大だい簡賢妙みょう，足そく以充『百ひゃく斯男』者しゃ。其宂散ち未み齒は，且悉分ぶん出で，務つとむ在ざい清きよし靜せい。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  59. ^ (詔みことのり曰：「微ほろ護まもる軍ぐん，吾われ弗どる聞斯言げん也。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  60. ^ (齊ひとし王おう即位そくい，徙為領りょう軍ぐん將軍しょうぐん，進しん爵昌陵りょう亭ちん侯こう，遷太尉じょう。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  61. ^ (初はつ，侍さむらい中ちゅう高堂こうどう隆たかし論ろん郊祀事ごと，以魏為ため舜しゅん後ご，推舜配はい天てん。濟すみ以為舜しゅん本姓ほんせい媯，其苗曰田，非ひ曹之先さき，著ちょ文ぶん以追詰つめ隆たかし。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  62. ^ (是ぜ時じ，曹爽專せん政せい，丁ちょう謐、鄧颺等とう輕けい改あらため法度はっと。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  63. ^ (會かい有ゆう日蝕にっしょく變へん，詔みことのり群臣ぐんしん問とい其得失とくしつ， ...) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  64. ^ (... 濟すみ上じょう疏曰：「昔むかし大だい舜しゅん佐治さじ，戒在比ひ周しゅう；周しゅう公こう輔政，慎まき於其朋とも；齊ひとし侯ほう問とい災わざわい，晏嬰對たい以布惠めぐみ；魯君問とい異こと，臧孫荅以緩なる役やく。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  65. ^ (應おう天てん塞ふさが變へん，乃實人事じんじ。今いま二に賊ぞく未み滅ほろび，將士しょうし暴露ばくろ已やめ數すう十じゅう年ねん，男女だんじょ怨曠，百姓ひゃくしょう貧苦ひんく。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  66. ^ (夫おっと為國ためくに法度はっと，惟おもんみ命いのち世大せだい才ざい，乃能張ちょう其綱維以垂たれ于後，豈あに中ちゅう下之したの吏所宜よろし改易かいえき哉？終おわり無益むえき於治，適てき足あし傷きず民みん，望もち宜むべ使つかい文武ぶんぶ之の臣しん各かく守もり其職，率りつ以清平ひらめ，則のり和氣わき祥瑞しょうずい可か感かん而致也。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  67. ^ (以隨太ふと傅でん司馬しば宣せん王おう屯たむろ洛らく水すい浮橋うきはし，誅曹爽等， ...) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  68. ^ (進すすむ封ふう都と鄉ごう侯こう，邑七なな百ひゃく戶こ。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  69. ^ (濟すみ上じょう疏曰：「臣しん忝かたじけな寵ちょう上司じょうし，而爽敢苞藏ぞう禍か心こころ，此臣之の無む任にん也。太ふとし傅でん奮獨斷どくだん之の策さく，陛下へいか明あかり其忠節ぶし，罪人ざいにん伏ふく誅，社稷しゃしょく之の福ぶく也。夫おっと封ふう寵ちょう慶けい賞しょう，必加有功ゆうこう。今いま論ろん謀はかりごと則そく臣しん不ふ先さき知ち，語ご戰せん則そく非ひ臣しん所しょ率りつ，而上失しつ其制，下しも受其弊へい。臣しん備宰司し，民みん所しょ具ぐ瞻，誠まこと恐おそれ冒おかせ賞しょう之の漸やや自じ此而興きょう，推讓之の風かぜ由ゆかり此而廢はい。」) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  70. ^ (固辭こじ，不ふ許もと。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  71. ^ (是これ歲さい薨，謚曰景けい侯こう。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  72. ^ (子こ秀しゅう嗣。秀しゅう薨，子し凱嗣。咸熈中ちゅう，開ひらき建けん五ご等とう，以濟著ちょ勳くん前ぜん朝あさ，改あらため封ふう凱為下か蔡子。) Sanguozhi vol. 14.
Citations from the Sanguozhi zhu
  1. ^ (時とき苗字みょうじ德とく胄，鉅鹿人じん也。 ... 出で為ため壽ことぶき春はる令れい，令れい行くだり風靡ふうび。揚あげ州しゅう治ち在ざい其縣，時じ蔣濟為ため治ち中ちゅう。苗なえ以初至いたり往謁濟ずみ，濟すみ素もと嗜酒，適てき會かい其醉，不ふ能見のみ苗なえ。苗なえ恚恨還，刻こく木き為ため人じん，署しょ曰「酒徒しゅと蔣濟」，置おけ之の牆下，旦夕たんせき射しゃ之の。) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 23.
  2. ^ (司馬しば彪ぴょう戰略せんりゃく曰：太ふとし和わ六ろく年ねん，明あきら帝みかど遣や平たいら州しゅう刺史しし田た豫よ乘じょう海渡うと，幽かそけ州しゅう刺史しし王おう雄つよし陸りく道どう，并攻遼東りゃおとん。) Sima Biao's Zhanlue annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  3. ^ (蔣濟諫曰：「凡非相しょう吞之國こく，不ふ侵おかせ叛之臣しん，不ふ宜よろし輕けい伐き。伐き之これ而不制せい，是ぜ驅使くし為ため賊ぞく。故こ曰『虎狼ころう當路とうろ，不治ふち狐狸こり。先さき除じょ大だい害がい，小しょう害がい自じ已やめ』。今こん海うみ表ひょう之の地ち，累るい世よ委い質しつ，歲さい選せん計けい考こう，不ふ乏とぼし職しょく貢みつぎ。議ぎ者しゃ先さき之の，正使せいし一いち舉便克かつ，得とく其民不足ふそく益えき國こく，得とく其財不足ふそく為ため富とみ；儻不如意にょい，是ぜ為ため結ゆい怨失信也しんや。」) Sima Biao's Zhanlue annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  4. ^ (帝みかど不ふ聽，豫行よこう竟無成なり而還。) Sima Biao's Zhanlue annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  5. ^ (漢かん晉すすむ春秋しゅんじゅう曰：公孫こうそん淵ふち聞魏將來しょうらい討，復ふく稱しょう臣しん於孫權けん，乞兵自じ救すくい。) Han Jin Chunqiu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  6. ^ (帝みかど問とい濟ずみ：「孫まご權けん其救遼東りゃおとん乎？」) Han Jin Chunqiu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  7. ^ (濟すみ曰：「彼かれ知ち官かん備以固かた，利り不可ふか得え，深入ふかいり則そく非力ひりき所しょ能のう，淺あさ入にゅう則のり勞ろう而無獲え；權けん雖子弟してい在ざい危，猶なお將はた不動ふどう，況きょう異域いいき之これ人にん，兼けん以往いおう者しゃ之の辱はずかしめ乎！今こん所以ゆえん外がい揚あげ此聲者しゃ，譎其行人こうじん疑うたぐ於我，我わが之これ不ふ克かつ，兾折後事こうじ已やめ耳みみ。然しか沓くつ渚なぎさ之の間あいだ，去さ淵ふち尚ひさし遠とお，若わか大軍たいぐん相しょう持じ，事こと不ふ速決そっけつ，則のり權けん之の淺あさ規ぶんまわし，或ある能のう輕けい兵へい掩襲，未み可か測はか也。」) Han Jin Chunqiu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  8. ^ (臣しん松まつ之の案あん蔣濟立りつ郊議稱しょう曹騰碑文ひぶん云うん「曹氏族ぞく出自しゅつじ邾」，魏ぎ書しょ述じゅつ曹氏胤たね緒いとぐち亦また如之。) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  9. ^ (魏ぎ武たけ作家さっか傳でん，自じ云うん曹叔振鐸之後ご。故こ陳ひね思おもえ王おう作さく武たけ帝みかど誄曰：「於穆武たけ王おう，胄稷胤たね周しゅう。」此其不同ふどう者しゃ也。) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  10. ^ (及至景けい初はつ，明あきら帝みかど從したがえ高堂こうどう隆たかし議ぎ，謂いい魏ぎ為ため舜しゅん後ご，後こう魏ぎ為ため禪ぜん晉すすむ文ぶん，稱しょう「昔むかし我わが皇祖こうそ有ゆう虞おそれ」，則のり其異彌わたる甚。) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  11. ^ (尋ひろ濟ずみ難なん隆たかし，及與尚書しょうしょ繆襲往反，並なみ有理ゆうり據よりどころ，文ぶん多た不ふ載の。濟すみ亦また未み能のう定てい氏族しぞく所出しょしゅつ，但ただし謂いい「魏ぎ非ひ舜しゅん後ご而橫祀まつ非ひ族ぞく，降くだ黜太祖そ，不ふ配はい正せい天てん，皆みな為ため繆妄」。然しか于時竟莫能のう正ただし。) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  12. ^ (孫まご盛もり曰：蔣濟之の辭やめ邑，可か謂いい不ふ負まけ心こころ矣。語かたり曰「不為ふため利り回かい，不為ふため義ぎ疚やまし」，蔣濟其有焉。) Sun Sheng's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  13. ^ (世よ語ご曰：初はつ，濟すみ隨ずい司馬しば宣せん王おう屯たむろ洛らく水すい浮橋うきはし，濟すみ書しょ與あずか曹爽，言げん宣せん王おう旨むね「惟おもんみ免官めんかん而已」，爽遂誅滅ちゅうめつ。濟すみ病びょう其言之の失しつ信しんじ，發病はつびょう卒そつ。) Shiyu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  14. ^ (列れつ異い傳つて曰：濟すみ為ため領りょう軍ぐん，其婦夢見ゆめみ亡兒ぼうじ涕泣ていきゅう曰：「死生しせい異こと路ろ，我が生せい時じ為ため卿きょう相しょう子孫しそん，今こん在地ざいち下か為ため泰山たいざん五ご伯はく，憔悴しょうすい困こま辱はずかしめ，不可ふか復ふく言ごと。今いま太ふとし廟びょう西にし謳士孫まご阿おもね，今見いまみ召為泰山たいざん令れい，願ねがい母はは為ため白しろ侯こう，屬ぞく阿おもね令れい轉てん我わが得とく樂らく處しょ。」) Lieyi Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  15. ^ (言げん訖，母はは忽ゆるがせ然しか驚おどろき寤，明日あした以白濟ずみ。濟すみ曰：「夢ゆめ為ため爾なんじ耳みみ，不足ふそく恠也。」) Lieyi Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  16. ^ (明日あした暮くれ，復ふく夢ゆめ曰：「我わが來迎らいごう新しん君くん，止とめ在ざい廟びょう下か。未發みはつ之の頃ころ，暫得來らい歸き。新しん君きみ明日あした日び中當なかとう發はつ，臨發多事たじ，不ふ復ふく得とく歸き，永えい辭じ於此。侯ほう氣き彊つよし，難なん感かん悟さとる，故こ自訴じそ於母，願ねがい重じゅう啟けい侯こう，何なに惜不一いち試驗しけん之の？」遂とげ道どう阿おもね之これ形狀けいじょう，言げん甚備悉。) Lieyi Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  17. ^ (天明てんめい，母はは重じゅう啟けい侯こう：「雖云夢ゆめ不足ふそく恠，此何太ふとし適てき？適てき亦また何なに惜不一いち驗けん之の？」) Lieyi Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  18. ^ (濟すみ乃遣人じん詣まい太ふと廟びょう下か，推問孫まご阿おもね，果はて得どく之の，形狀けいじょう證しょう驗けん悉如兒じ言げん。) Lieyi Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  19. ^ (濟すみ涕泣ていきゅう曰：「幾いく負まけ吾われ兒じ！」於是乃見孫まご阿おもね，具ぐ語ご其事。) Lieyi Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  20. ^ (阿おもね不ふ懼當死し，而喜得う為ため泰山たいざん令れい，惟おもんみ恐おそれ濟ずみ言げん不ふ信也しんや。曰：「若わか如節下か言げん，阿おもね之これ願ねがい也。不知ふち賢子さとこ欲得よくとく何なん職しょく？」濟すみ曰：「隨ずい地下ちか樂らく者しゃ與あずか之これ。」阿おもね曰：「輒當奉たてまつ教きょう。」乃厚賞しょう之の，言げん訖遣還かえ。) Lieyi Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  21. ^ (濟すみ欲ほっ速そく知ち其驗，從したがえ領りょう軍門ぐんもん至いたり廟びょう下か，十じゅう步ほ安やす一いち人にん，以傳消息しょうそく。辰たつ時じ傳つて阿おもね心痛しんつう，巳み時じ傳つて阿おもね劇げき，日にち中ちゅう傳でん阿おもね亡ほろび。) Lieyi Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
  22. ^ (濟すみ泣曰：「雖哀吾われ兒じ之の不幸ふこう，自じ喜き亡者もうじゃ有ゆう知ち。」後ご月餘げつよ，兒じ復ふく來らい語ご母はは曰：「已やめ得え轉うたて為ため錄ろく事ごと矣。」) Lieyi Zhuan annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 14.
Other citations
  1. ^ a b c de Crespigny (2007), p. 375.
  2. ^ Sima (1084), vol. 68.
  3. ^ (帝みかど諫曰：「禁きん等とう為ため水すい所しょ沒ぼつ，非ひ戰せん守之もりゆき所しょ失しつ，於國家こっか大計たいけい未み有ゆう所しょ損そん，而便遷都せんと，既すんで示しめせ敵てき以弱，又また淮沔之の人ひと大だい不安ふあん矣。孫まご權けん、劉りゅう備，外そと親おや內踈，羽わ之の得意とくい，權けん所しょ不ふ願ねがい也。可か喻權所しょ，令れい掎其後ご，則のり樊圍自じ解かい。」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  4. ^ (魏ぎ武ぶ從したがえ之これ。權けん果はて遣や將はた呂りょ蒙こうむ西にし襲かさね公安こうあん，拔之，羽わ遂とげ為ため蒙こうむ所ところ獲え。) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  5. ^ a b Sima (1084), vol. 69.
  6. ^ a b c Sima (1084), vol. 70.
  7. ^ Sima (1084), vol. 71.
  8. ^ Sima (1084), vol. 74.
  9. ^ ([正せい始はじめ三さん年ねん]三さん月がつ，太ふとし尉じょう滿まん寵ちょう薨。 ... [七なな月がつ]乙おつ酉とり，以領軍ぐん將軍しょうぐん蔣濟為ため太ふとし尉じょう。) Sanguozhi vol. 4.
  10. ^ Sima (1084), vol. 75.
  11. ^ (帝みかど親おや帥そち太ふとし尉じょう蔣濟等とう勒兵出迎でむかえ天子てんし，屯たむろ于洛水すい浮橋うきはし，上奏じょうそう曰：「先帝せんてい詔みことのり陛下へいか、 ... 伺察非常ひじょう。」) Jin Shu vol. 1.
  • Chen, Shou (3rd century). Records of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguozhi).
  • de Crespigny, Rafe (2007). A Biographical Dictionary of Later Han to the Three Kingdoms 23-220 AD. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 9789004156050.
  • Fang, Xuanling (648). Book of Jin (Jin Shu).
  • Pei, Songzhi (5th century). Annotations to Records of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguozhi zhu).
  • Sima, Guang (1084). Zizhi Tongjian.
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