Asia And The Pacific
On 20 May, in Kawhmu township, near Yangon, the Myanmar authorities
prevented desperate survivors of Cyclone Nargis from coming out onto
the street to beg while punishing people who tried to help them–
effectively cutting them off fromany informal assistance. Almost three
weeks earlier, the cyclone had devastated much of southern Myanmar,
killing tens of thousands of people and displacing hundreds of
thousands more from their homes and livelihoods.
The cyclone should have also wiped away any lingering doubts over
whether repressive government policies can impoverish a population. The
world watched in horror as Myanmar’s government, the State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC), refused to acknowledge the scope of the
disaster and provided little assistance to the estimated 2.4 million
survivors of the cyclone. For three weeks, the SPDC also rejected
international assistance and blocked access to the Ayeyarwady delta
when survivors most needed food, shelter and medicine. Instead, a week
after the cyclone, as victims were still struggling to survive, the
SPDC diverted crucial resources towards a rubber stamp referendum to
approve a new and deeply flawed Constitution. By deliberately blocking
vital aid while failing to provide adequate assistance itself the SPDC
violated the rights of hundreds of thousands to life, food, and health.
In countries throughout the Asia-Pacific region, hundreds of millions
of people suffered from government policies they were either unable or
afraid to challenge. Millions more slid into poverty as the cost of
food, fuel, and other commodities rose, in part as a result of a global
financial crisis. Most of these people were denied the right to help
shape an appropriate response to these crises by their own governments.
But the events around Cyclone Nargis were so extreme they elicited
action from Myanmar’s neighbours in the Association of South East Asian
Nations (ASEAN), as well as from China, the country’s chief
international backer. Although these governments have previously
claimed that international human rights clash with “Asian values”,
threaten national sovereignty, and deny the primacy of economic
development, in the face of such large-scale disaster, ASEAN publicly
called on the Myanmar authorities to provide access to aid, and went on
to mediate between the SPDC and the international community.
Evenmore notably, the Chinese government responded to the scope of the
catastrophe (and the desire to protect its image in the run-up to the
2008 Olympics in Beijing) by deviating from its long-held position of
not interfering in the affairs of other sovereign states and seems to
have used its significant influence to persuade the SPDC to cooperate
with international offers of aid.
The Beijing Olympics, and China’s resulting heightened sensitivity to
its image, raised hopes for real and sustained improvements in the
country’s overall human rights situation. Indeed, this had been one of
the reasons offered by the International Olympics Committee for
awarding Beijing the Games. Instead, the run-up to the Olympics was
marred by increased repression throughout the country as authorities
tightened control over human rights defenders, religious practitioners,
ethnic minorities, lawyers and journalists. The Chinese authorities
forcibly evicted thousands of Beijing residents from their homes and
punished those who dared challenge the government’s actions.
As a sporting event, the Games were widely praised for their
magnificence. They showed the government’s ability to marshal massive
resources and proved, as they were intended to, that China has assumed
its position as one of the world’s leading powers. But the Games also
served to point out that a country capable of mounting such a spectacle
cannot justify the failure to meet many of the human rights aspirations
of its people, and in particular the rights of tens of millions of
citizens who have not been allowed to share in the country’s phenomenal
economic development.
Deprivation
For years, the Chinese government advanced its economic policies upon
the back of some 150 million migrant workers, most of whom flocked from
the countryside into slums in China’s rapidly growing cities. But with
the end of the building boom associated with the Olympics, and the
growing impact of the global economic crisis, China’s millions of
migrant workers faced an uncertain future as 2008 waned and they
returned to their villages, without the promise of a constantly growing
economy, and aware of how much their lives differed from those of
China’s increasingly affluent urban middle classes. The social tensions
caused by this growing rift and awareness of the disparities between
rich and poor, urban and rural, led to thousands of protests throughout
China.
The Asia-Pacific region as a whole houses some of the world’s
wealthiest areas (in Australia, China, Japan, South Korea) next to some
of the most impoverished populations (Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Laos,
Myanmar, North Korea, Papua New Guinea). Throughout 2008, the
differences in the wellbeing of these people seemed much more to do
with government policy, than the distribution of natural resources.
Asia’s other giant, India, has tried to achieve economic progress while
maintaining a solid commitment to civil and political rights
internally. But the Indian authorities have not managed to ensure the
rights of the urban poor and already marginalized communities in rural
areas, including landless farmers and adivasi communities who oppose
exploitation of their land and other resources for industrial projects.
In several states, authorities ignored existing constitutional
provisions demarcating areas as exclusively adivasi territories and
allotted them to mining and other industries. In Orissa, one of India’s
poorest states, the competition over limited resources was intertwined
with political struggles about the rights of the adivasis, freedom of
religion, and the government’s development policies. The result was
ongoing communal violence that led to at least 25 deaths and displaced
at least 15,000 people, mostly Christians facing persecution – and
prevented thousands of people from receiving adequate health care,
education, and housing.
Indigenous communities in Bangladesh also suffered from government
policies. While the political struggle between a military backed
caretaker government and veteran political leaders dominated the
headlines, behind the scenes the government continued its steady
support for the Bengali settlers seizing land from Jumma Indigenous
inhabitants of the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
In October, the Asian Development Bank warned that 2 million Cambodians
may have been thrust into poverty as the cost of food, fuel and other
commodities rose amid the global financial crisis. This was in addition
to the 4.5million, around a third of the population, already living in
poverty. More than 4,000 Phnom Penh families living around Boeung Kak
Lake, many of them in basic housing, faced displacement as the lake was
turned into a landfill site. Residents were given no notice before the
landfill began on 26 August 2008, and protesters faced widespread
threats from local authorities and company workers. Meanwhile, Phnom
Penh’s police increased night-time raids among those living in poverty
and on the margins of society, arbitrarily arresting sex workers,
homeless people and beggars.
“Arresting one man is to threaten hundreds of thousands of people, scaring them from struggling and advocating again... I see this as an injustice for the Cambodian people.”- Oeun Sarim, farmer and human rights defender, talking about the systematicarrest of land activists in Cambodia, February 2008.
In North Korea, millions of people experienced hunger on a scale not
seen in a decade.Women, children and the elderly were the most
vulnerable. Thousands continued to cross the border into China mainly
for food and economic reasons. Those arrested and forcibly repatriated
were subjected to forced labour, torture and other ill-treatment in
prison camps. The North Korean government took no action to address the
situation, and did not even request assistance from South Korea, one of
the biggest donors of rice and fertilizer in previous years, due to
strained relations.
Insecurity
No countries in the Asia-Pacific region were officially at war with
each other during 2008, but conflicts between governments and armed
opposition groups threatened the lives of tens of thousands across Asia
and prevented millions more from accessing health care, education,
housing and food. These conflicts were at least partially based on
ethnicity, with one group often taking up arms against another to
demand equal, or greater, access to resources.
Regardless of the cause of the conflict, it was civilians, especially those already marginalized by gender, ethnicity, religion, caste or social class, who were particularly vulnerable in such conflicts.
“For us, relief is only when our loved one is safe and sound, standing freed before us... I believe that my husband is held only three kilometres from my home, yet he continues to suffer unknown ill-treatment.” -Amina Masood Janjua, wife of Masood Janjua – a victim of enforced disappearance – Pakistan, July 2008.
Residents of Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Myanmar, southern Thailand and the southern Philippines faced significant threats from armed forces – government and anti-government – that frequently trampled on even the basic laws of armed conflict.
Millions of Afghans living in southern and eastern Afghanistan, terrorized by the Taleban and other insurgent groups as well as local militias ostensibly allied with the government, faced persistent insecurity, further restricting their already limited access to food, health care, and schooling, especially for girls and women. The year set another bloody record of violence in Afghanistan – the death of around 1,400 civilians as a direct result of the fighting, while tens of thousands of people fled their homes to avoid it, many gravitating to the relative security and prosperity of major cities such as Kabul and Herat, huddling in new slums. The Taleban and other anti-government groups were responsible for most of the injuries to civilians, but the nearly 60,000 international troops in Afghanistan continued to carry out air strikes and night raids that harmed civilians and their property, predictably fostering tremendous popular anger.
The Afghan government failed to maintain the rule of law or to provide basic services to millions of Afghans even in areas under its control. The Taleban and other anti-government groups extended their sway overmore than a third of the country, again barring girls from education and health care, and imposing their own brutal brand of justice, which frequently relied on public executions and flogging. As a result, despite some gains in terms of children’s enrolment in school and basic health care, most Afghans lived short lives of great hardship. Life expectancy was just 42.9 years, the country again experienced one of the highest recorded levels of maternal mortality on the planet and the average per capita income was just US$350 per year – one of the lowest in the world.
![Displaces civilians moving to safety in the kilinochchi District, Wanni, Sri Lanka. Displaces civilians moving to safety in the kilinochchi District, Wanni, Sri Lanka.](https://web.archive.org/web/20091002015402im_/http://thereport.amnesty.org/sites/report2009.amnesty.org/files/Gabriel Chapman/asia-pacific-srilank-210x140.jpg)
The insecurity in Afghanistan overflowed the border and engulfed large parts of Pakistan; not just in the tribal areas bordering Afghanistan but increasingly in other areas of Pakistan, as members of the Pakistani Taleban took hostages, targeted and killed civilians, and committed acts of violence against women and girls. By the end of the year, Pakistani Taleban groups had entrenched their hold over large parts of the frontier tribal areas, as well as the Swat valley, a settled area outside the tribal territories and within easy distance of Islamabad. The Taleban shut down dozens of girls’ schools, health clinics, and any business deemed insufficiently
devout, such as music shops. Not surprisingly, people – especially women and girls – living in the tribal areas of Pakistan lived shorter lives than in other parts of Pakistan, suffered higher rates of infant and maternal mortality, and experienced significantly lower rates of education.
A newly elected civilian government came to power in Pakistan in February and made many promises to improve the country’s human rights situation. The government of President Asif Ali Zardari followed through on some of those promises, but proved as hapless in addressing the country’s growing crisis of insecurity as the military government of General Pervez Musharraf. By the end of the year, it was simply repeating the former’s disastrous vacillation between abandoning significant portions of Pakistan’s citizens to the rule of brutal insurgent groups, and pursuing a scorched earth policy – punishing the local populace without significantly diminishing the fighting ability of anti-government groups.
The pattern of civilians caught between pro- and anti-government forces disdainful of their wellbeing occurred throughout Asia. In southern Thailand, violence has simmered intermittently for a century, reflecting the long-standing disenfranchisement of the area’s population, which is predominantly Malay in ethnicity and language, and Muslim in religion. The area is one of the poorest and least developed in Thailand, and the population has long resented efforts at assimilation by the country’s Thai Buddhist central government andmajority. Insurgent forces have resorted to brutal tactics, such as decapitating and otherwise targeting Buddhist citizens, and attacking schools. But the government’s heavy-handed security response, including torture and other ill-treatment of Muslim suspects, has led to widespread human rights violations and has alienated the local population.
A somewhat similar dynamic fuelled the conflict in the southern Philippines island of Mindanao, where the Muslim population, feeling disenfranchised from the country’s predominantly Christian population and leadership, suffered significantly lower rates of economic development. The failure of peace negotiations between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) led to a resumption of violence in August that continues to be accompanied by abuses by both sides. The number of civilians directly affected by this most recent escalation of hostilities has increased dramatically, with no clear end in sight. After attacks by the MILF on civilians in predominantly Christian and sometimes mixed Christian and Muslim neighbourhoods in August 2008, more than 610,000 people fled their villages to escape – both from MILF direct attacks and from fighting between the MILF and security forces. Around 240,000 of them have subsequently gone back to their homes after the Philippine military declared their villages safe. Many returned to find their houses burned and their livestock stolen, and they continue to live in fear.
“I was still a young lady when we first had to evacuate. Then when I had young children, we had to evacuate again. Now, I have three grandchildren, but nothing has changed.”- A 63-year-old woman, one of the internally displaced people from North Cotabato province, Philippines, August 2008.
In Myanmar, even as the government’s policies pauperized the entire
population, the SPDC acted with particular venom in its treatment of the
country’s 135 ethnic and religious minority groups – nearly a third of the
entire population. The Myanmar army continued its offensive against
the Karen civilians of Kayin (Karen) State and Bago (Pegu) Division.
Since November 2005, when the current government offensive began,
more than 140,000 Karen civilians have been killed, tortured, forcibly
displaced, sexually violated, forced to work, including dangerous work
related to military exercises, like clearing landmines, and otherwise
subjected to widespread and systematic violations of their human rights.
These violations amount to crimes against humanity.
Another ‘forgotten conflict’ of 2008 raged between the Sri Lankan
government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The
island’s large Tamil population had long complained of political and
economic discrimination by the ruling Sinhalese majority. The LTTE
had used a range of brutal tactics, such as bomb attacks on civilians
and forced recruitment of children as soldiers to carve out a de facto
independent state in the north and east of the island for nearly a decade.
But this hardly proved a haven for the Tamil population, as the LTTE
brooked no opposition. As 2008 waned, the Sri Lankan government
was on its way to overrunning this enclave in a series of military victories.
Nearly the entire Tamil population of the northern area known as the
Wanni, more than a quarter million, fled their homes in a search for
safety. Many, if not most, of this population had already been displaced
several times by the fighting, including in previous years, and some had
survived the ravages of the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami.
The Sri Lankan government prevented international aid workers or
journalists from reaching the conflict zone to assist or witness the plight
of those caught between the two sides. For their part, the beleaguered
LTTE exploited this population as a ready source of forced labour, military
personnel, and a buffer against approaching Sri Lankan troops.
Exclusion
Even where ethnic discrimination did not give rise to armed conflict,
it remained a common feature of the social landscape in the
Asia-Pacific region, fromthe wealthiest societies to the most
impoverished. In February, the Australian government made an historic
apology to the ‘Stolen Generations’: Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander people who as children were forcibly removed from their
families under government laws and policies. But the government
announced it would not set up a compensation fund nor any other form of
redress.
The government of the world’s newest republic, Nepal, struggled
to meet its promise to improve the lives of Nepalis who had suffered
generations of officially sanctioned deprivation. The Maoists controlling
the government had built much of their appeal on championing the
rights of women, lower castes, and the poor. However, they met the
most significant challenge to their rule from the country’s large
population of Madhesis, residents of the flat southern third of the
country, who felt the new government did not sufficiently take account
of their long-standing grievances.
“We are always under threat. We want support from the state, support from the police. If we call to report an incident of violence we want the police to take action, not ignore us”. - Mohna Answari, Muslim lawyer, woman human rights defender, Nepalgunj, Nepal, November 2008.
China’s large ethnic minorities in the west of the country, in
Tibetan-populated areas and the predominantly Muslim province of
the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, continued to suffer
systematic discrimination. Both areas witnessed some of the worst
unrest of recent years in 2008. Protests by Tibetan monks on 10 March
and subsequent protests by more monks urged a halt to government imposed
political education campaigns and easing of restrictions on
religious practice. Violence erupted as lay Tibetans joined the protests,
expressing long-term grievances including perceived exclusion from
the benefits of economic development and the weakening of Tibetan
culture and ethnic identity through government policies. Some of the
protesters attacked Han migrants and their businesses in Lhasa but
protests continued largely peacefully throughout Tibetan areas.
Chinese authorities ultimately reported that 21 people had been killed
by violent protesters and that more than 1,000 individuals detained in
the protests had been released, and overseas Tibetan organizations
reported that more than 100 Tibetans had been killed, and estimated
that at least several hundred remained in detention at the end of the
year. Exact numbers were difficult to determine because the
authorities denied access to media and independent monitors.
In Xinjiang, on 14 August,Wang Lequan, Secretary of the Communist Party
in Xinjiang, announced a “life and death” struggle against Uighur
Muslim“separatism”. The authorities cited a series of violent incidents
by alleged terrorists to justify a sweeping crackdown and continued
their tight control over religious practice, including prohibiting all
government employees and children from worshipping at mosques. The
Chinese authorities reported that more than 1,300 people had been
arrested during the year on charges of terrorism, religious extremism
or other violations of state security laws, and 1,154 were formally
charged or
faced trials or administrative punishments.
Voice
As the year ended and the effects of a downturn in the global economy
were manifested in lost jobs, less food on the table, and less income
for necessities, such as housing, education, and health care, more
people throughout the Asia-Pacific region demanded account ability from
their governments. Rather than responding to their needs, their
governments tried to silence them. This trend aggravated the
long-standing, prevalent intolerance of free expression bymany
governments in the Asia-Pacific region, nowhere clearer than in
NorthKorea and Myanmar, which have effectively banned freedomof
expression absolutely for years.
Chinese authorities temporarily eased restrictions on freedom of the
press in the run-up to the Olympics. They allowed foreign journalists
unprecedented latitude to report and unblocked access to websites such
as that of Amnesty International and the BBC. By the end of the year,
however, with popular discontent on the rise, Chinese authorities
reverted to silencing and intimidating critics. Signatories of Charter
08, which had called for fundamental legal and political reform, came
under intense government scrutiny and several members of the group were
harassed and subjected to ill-treatment. At least one signatory, Liu
Xiaobo, remained in arbitrary detention at the end of the year. By the
start of 2009, Amnesty International’s website was one of many again
banned.
Similarly, Viet Nam continued its crackdown of supporters of Bloc
8406, an Internet-based pro-democracy movement, as well as other
unauthorized groups calling for democracy and human rights, many
charged under Article 88 of the Penal Code, “conducting propaganda
against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam” or laws criminalizing “abusing
democratic freedoms to infringe upon the interests of the State”.
Assaults on free speech were not limited to socialist states. The
government of Singapore continued its misuse of libel laws to silence
criticism: the Far Eastern Economic Review was convicted of defaming
Prime Minister Lee Hsieng Lee, while the Wall Street Journal Asia
faced legal action in September for challenging the judiciary’s
independence. Some 19 anti-poverty campaigners faced charges for
holding unauthorized public street gatherings.
In Thailand, there was a sharp increase in the number of people charged
with lese-majesty, a law prohibiting any word or act that defames,
insults or threatens the royal family. Fiji’s interim government
announced in August that it would establish a media tribunal to provide
“stronger regulation” of the media.
In Sri Lanka, what was once a vibrant media environment suffered
tremendously as the wave of attacks on journalists and media workers
continued. At least 14 media workers have been unlawfully killed in Sri
Lanka since the beginning of 2006. Others have been arbitrarily
detained, tortured or reported to have become victims of enforced
disappearance, while in the custody of security forces.More than 20
journalists have left the country in response to death threats.
Conclusion
Under increasing political and economic pressure, many people in the
Asia-Pacific region turned to the international human rights framework
to bolster their efforts to secure greater dignity for themselves and
others.
Setting aside its historic reluctance to speak in the language of human
rights, ASEAN’s valuable efforts in the wake of Cyclone Nargis helped
those devastated receive critical assistance. With longer-term effect,
the ASEAN Charter came into force in November when it was ratified by
all 10 ASEAN member states. The Charter assertsmembers’ commitment to
human rights and provides ASEAN with an unprecedented opportunity to
create a strong human rights body.
Parliamentarians at the Pacific Parliamentarians Conference in December
unanimously supported moves to establish a Pacific regional human
rights mechanism– a serious step forward for the Pacific Islands and
for the Asia-Pacific region as a whole.
Both these initiatives are a credit to human rights activists in Asia
and the Pacific, who have been at the forefront of pushing for such
change. And despite heavy-handed responses by governments, placin human
rights defenders at great personal risk, such individuals continued to
work to secure the rights of people suffering deprivation and abuse. In
many places, a growing number of activists and government critics began
using the internet as a tool to voice dissent and mobilize support. In
China, internet usage has grown tremendously, enabling people to share
information about their government’s actions and, in the case of a few,
daring individuals, to call for reform. Similarly, in Viet Nam, brave
activists increasingly took to blogs to call for change and voice
dissent.
In Malaysia and Singapore, countries where repression of free speech
continues unabated, bloggers are the main source of independent
information, analysis, and criticism– and pay the price for it.
At the root of all these efforts is the notion that all individuals
have a claim to human rights and dignity. Although often honoured in
the breach, the events of 2008 strongly indicated that this belief now
has taken firm root among many communities in the Asia-Pacific region.
Events that have occured in 2009
Select a Country Report
From Amnesty.org
Mexico must not repatriate injured migrants
01 October 2009International inquiry needed into violence by Guinea security forces
01 October 2009Crackdown on China's activists escalates ahead of 60th anniversary
30 September 2009