(Translated by https://www.hiragana.jp/)
2012 January | Ian Bremmer
The Wayback Machine - https://web.archive.org/web/20120711054459/http://blogs.reuters.com:80/ian-bremmer/2012/01/
Opinion

Ian Bremmer

The world’s year of reckoning

Ian Bremmer
Jan 30, 2012 12:11 EST

DAVOS–If 2011 was the year of the protestor, 2012, at least where the World Economic Forum is concerned, is the year of the reckoning. Through the events of the Arab Spring, major power vacuums have been created in countries all over the Middle East. More governments, such as Syria’s, are likely to topple. But the time to start thinking about what’s next for countries like Egypt is already here.

The thing is, it’s coming at an inconvenient time for Western democracy. Having long held themselves as the global models for governance and economic structure, Western Europe and the U.S. have in recent years shown their warts as never before. That has opened the door for state capitalist models — like China’s — to take the stage. And the simple fact that new models for how countries and economies should work are even being considered is a blow to the Western world’s power and prestige. Obviously, well before the G-7 system broke down, China was already on a path of state capitalism, and that has turned out to be a successful course for that country to chart. But here’s the problem: While it has led to wealth and a rise in living standards for the Chinese, it hasn’t led to more democracy.

Here at Davos, and in capitals around the world, the paths countries should chart for themselves in the future is always topic A, and what we’ve learned over these last years is that transforming those countries and indeed the world is about a lot more than simply swapping out the players who legislate and lead. Look at the precarious situation in Egypt. Consider Putin’s long hold on power in Russia. For that matter, look at the situations in many countries on the euro zone periphery. Going down that list, nations that have simply replaced one power-grabbing leader with another are in trouble. (In Russia’s case, that leader has simply replaced himself.) Countries that have revolved leadership without addressing deeper institutional weaknesses are not setting themselves up for success in the long run.

That’s why changing not just the leaders at the table but the system by which the country is governed is such a real and important goal — it reconfigures the country’s “end result” trajectory. When countries like China and Russia become economically important, they of course support the models that made them powerful: strong authoritarianism and state capitalism. Specifically as China gains more and more economic power, it continues to improve its bargaining position with the West — that is, it can get away with bargaining less and less. And China’s ability to eschew compromise will only grow as its position in the world continues to get stronger — so why would the Chinese negotiate about anything? When their growth starts to level off or their cost structures begin to match the West’s — a change that will be measured in decades, not years — they’ll be willing to cooperate more. But not before.

If you believe in the values of Western democracy — equality, fairness, opportunity and freedom — that’s precisely why the West must rise to the occasion and continue to challenge state capitalism and press Arab Spring countries to fight for democratic institutions in their new national orders. Otherwise the fate of the West will be to represent an important but diminishing subset of the global economy — and to have almost no sway over a group of countries whose economic fortunes are on the rise. And that’s not just about prestige — those are the countries with weaker values. For example, the New York Times has published a devastating series on the Foxconn factories that assemble Apple products, highlighting worker abuses, deaths and practices that would have been outdated in the U.S. even a century ago. Those workers might be making state-of-the-art products, but they live as though they are indentured servants, or worse. It would be naive to think Foxconn is an isolated incident. In China, Foxconn is a success story of state-directed capitalism. Will the West tolerate Foxconn? And if so, how many more Foxconns will it tolerate?

It’s pointless to worry about China stealing U.S. manufacturing jobs — China has taken far more jobs from Mexico than it has from the U.S., by some measures. What the West should worry about is the manner in which those jobs are performed and what our tolerance of that says to the parts of the world that are today at a crossroads.

This essay is based on a transcribed interview with Bremmer.

COMMENT

Interest Op-Ed and in general I agree, with Mr. Bremmer’s comments. However there are some problems with the Foxconn example he used, actually 2 very LARGE problems. 1) Foxconn is NOT a Chinese stateowned company but it is actually the brand name for Hon Hai Precision Industry Co Ltd of Taiwan and the last I check Taiwan is democratic; and 2) some of the issues regarding how workers in China are treated have some similarities with another age that has been documented in passing in a 19th century novel, the title Oliver Twist. If Mr. Bremmer was even more careful with his research he may discover that Karl Marx formulated Communism not for China or Russia but for England due to the extremely bad working conditions of the proletariat there at the time. Which leads obviously to the question: Is the West exporting it’s bad labour practices to poor countries indirectly? If Mr. Bremmer’s article is an attempt to show China in a bad light unfortunately he’s not done it very well, he may want to try again, but this time do a little more thorough research and thinking before you try desiminate questionable morals.

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A Davos winter talk on Russian Spring with Ian Bremmer, Susan Glasser and Gideon Rose

Ian Bremmer
Jan 27, 2012 11:19 EST

A Russian Spring grows as the prospects of Vladimir Putin returning to the presidency loom. Ian Bremmer, Susan Glasser and Gideon Rose talk with Thomson Reuters Digital Editor Chrystia Freeland about the prospects of an uprising in Russia similar to what we’ve seen in the Arab world.

 

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About Mitt

Ian Bremmer
Jan 11, 2012 17:35 EST

The media can’t help themselves when it comes to presidential politics, and that’s never been more in evidence than in the current Republican nomination battle. For the press, campaign season is its Olympics, the time when reporters’ bosses open their wallets to send them to far off places like Dixville Notch, New Hampshire and Cedar Rapids, Iowa, and correspondents can make a career on how well they report on the race. Except this year, there is no race. Mitt Romney will be the nominee, and that’s been clear for months.

Yet here’s the lead from today’s Wall Street Journal recap of yesterdays New Hampshire primary: “Mitt Romney is a long way from claiming the Republican nomination, but he leaves New Hampshire with significant advantages in a field where no single opponent seems well-positioned to stop him or become the obvious alternative to him.” While the reporter may merely be acknowledging the mathematics of the delegates Romney still has to win in primaries across the country, the hedging on Romney’s inevitable victory, to anyone who follows the day-to-day stories in the campaign, rings hollow at best.

With Gingrich, then Santorum, and Bachmann and Cain before them, news stories always turned to polls to explain the latest in the “anyone but Romney” vote. But the story the media should be telling is that polls during campaign seasons historically change the most and matter the least. Flawed methodology and small sample sizes make even the most rigorous polling little more than a one-day snapshot of popular sentiment, yet poll results are often reported as if they were all but recorded in the county clerk’s election rolls.

What we should be reading about when it comes to the nomination are things like the size of each candidate’s ground force, the number of committed staff, an ongoing endorsement tally–in other words, the true measures of a candidate’s strength. By these measures, Romney has an overwhelming advantage and has for months. But for some reason such metrics are mentioned only in passing, if at all, or are left to weekend feature stories, as if the day-to-day news about Romney walking down a street in Manchester to knock on doors had anything to do with his viability as a national candidate.

Part of the problem, albeit unspoken, may be that the media haven’t really warmed to the often robotic and sometimes aloof Romney, and because of that, they are holding back on anointing him as the nominee. They therefore highlight those qualities in him and cite the failure of the Tea Party and evangelicals to coalesce around him, even though Romney has been carrying a majority of the overall support of the party, again, for many months now.

The other problem Romney is facing is that candidates with no chance of winning the nomination are refusing to get out of the race. While some may blame the influence of soft money and Super PACs in putting these campaigns on artificial life support, there are simpler explanations for why Gingrich, Cain, Perry, Santorum, Huntsman and Bachmann all stayed in so long: There’s nothing but upside for them, personally, in doing so. The longer candidates can claim a sliver of the national stage, the better off they are in the long run. For Gingrich and Cain, it helps them sell books and raise their personal profiles. For Santorum and many of the rest, they can position themselves to be important parts of Team Romney in the general election and in a Romney administration. Those who aren’t looking for a spot on Romney’s roster are especially willing to trade the enmity of the future GOP nominee for the media attention that bashing him brings. It’s all about job security. And after all, any publicity is good publicity–fueled by an ever-rotating media spotlight that really shouldn’t be shining on these also-rans in the first place. If Ron Paul, who consistently garners high percentages in polls and now in the New Hampshire primary, is widely acknowledged as being too far outside the Republican mainstream to win the nomination, there’s no way Huntsman, who could do no better than third in New Hampshire, can surge past both to win the nod.

Having been vetted during the GOP primaries in the 2008 cycle, what few skeletons there are in Romney’s closet have likely been thoroughly exhumed and inspected. There’s always the chance of a scandalous surprise to knock him from his perch, but it seems unlikely that the no-swearing, no-drinking, family man Mormon has any such bombshells to worry about. So what’s the net result of the media’s refusal to call this race all but over?

Probably a stronger and stronger platform for Barack Obama in the general election. The longer Romney has to beat back the fringe candidates in the primaries, the less work Obama has to do in the general election. But even that is not Romney’s biggest concern–rather, it’s the improving economy and the continual upward creep of economic and employment numbers–indications the country is getting back on the right track, upsetting his core argument against the incumbent.

Rick Perry has promised to make his last stand in South Carolina, and Jon Huntsman has said that the Florida primary on Jan. 31 will decide who the GOP nominee will be. While it may be fun for both men to dream, they know the race is long over, and the identity of the nominee will be Willard M. Romney. It may be fun for reporters to cover the remaining candidates as the political human-interest equivalent of the Jamaican bobsled team, but this isn’t the Olympics–it’s a national presidential election. It’s time to focus on who Romney is and what his policies as president would be, and how they stack up against Obama’s. With so much at stake for the future direction of the U.S. and its place in the world, anything else is, at best, a disservice to readers.

This essay is based on a transcribed interview with Bremmer.

PHOTO: Republican presidential candidate and former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney points to supporters as he stands on stage with his relatives while speaking at his New Hampshire primary night rally in Manchester, New Hampshire, January 10, 2012. REUTERS/Jim Bourg

COMMENT

I thought I was joking when I compared GOP nomination “debates” to choreographed show fights… But it seems they were determined to out-do me with reality. Just watching a few minutes of their latest “debate” was too much. I don’t think I can stand any more of it…

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G-zero and the end of the 9/11 era top 2012 risks

Ian Bremmer
Jan 5, 2012 15:04 EST

In a video for Reuters, Ian Bremmer discusses the biggest risks facing the markets in 2012 and says the next phase in the Middle East and the post-9/11 environment pose the greatest uncertainty:

Top Risks of 2012

As we begin 2012, political risks dominate global headlines in a way we’ve not experienced in decades. Everywhere you look in today’s global economy, concerns over insular, gridlocked, or fractured politics affecting markets stare back at you. Continuation of the politically driven crisis in the eurozone appears virtually guaranteed. There is profound instability across the Middle East. Grassroots opposition to entrenched governments is spreading to countries such as Russia and Kazakhstan that were thought more insulated. Nuclear powers North Korea and Pakistan (and soon Iran?) face unprecedented internal political pressure… Read the full top risks report here.

COMMENT

You’re doing a good job describing the risks but what about quantifying them and further depict the negative impacts or positive opportunities that would occur if these risks would materialize. Moving more towards risk analysis rather than risk reporting….

Also for the sake of transparency, who is taking these risks you describe? Global economy is rather vague… be more specific from what perspective you see things. What can be described as a risk for a political segment can be an opportunity for another segment.

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