Africa
Soldiers wearing red berets travelled 300 kilometres north from the
Guinean capital Conakry, to Khoréra, near Boké. They were looking for
Karamba Dramé, a youth leader in the town. When they found him, one of
the soldiers shot him. He died before he reached hospital on 31 October
2008.
As in many countries across Africa, Guinea’s population was hit hard by
rising food and commodity prices during the year. Demonstrations
erupted and the authorities believed that Karamba Dramé was one of the
organizers of the protests. So they killed him.
The food crisis, which marked 2008 in Africa, had a disproportionate
impact on vulnerable population groups, especially those already living
in poverty. Across the Africa region, people demonstrated against the
desperate social and economic situation and the sharp rise in living
costs. While some demonstrations turned violent, leading to the
destruction of private and public property, the authorities often
repressed protests using excessive force. Security forces injured and
killed numerous people who were claiming their right to an adequate
standard of living, including the right to food. Protesters were
arbitrarily arrested and detained. Some were ill-treated in detention
or sentenced to prison terms after unfair trials. Most of the time, no
investigations were carried out to identify those among the security
forces responsible for the human rights violations committed while
responding to the protests.
Deprivation
Millions across the region continued to be deprived of their basic
needs in spite of the sustained economic growth in many countries in
Africa during past years. People faced enormous challenges in securing
a daily livelihood, often aggravated by marginalization or political
repression, attempts to muffle their voices and render them powerless.
Despite such repression, demonstrators against the dire social and
economic situation and the sharp rise in living costs took to the
streets in numerous countries, including Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon,
Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Mali, Mozambique, Senegal, Somalia and Zimbabwe.
The demonstrations, sometimes violent themselves, were usually met with
yet more violence by the state. In late February security forces in
Cameroon killed up to 100 people in response to violent protests in
various towns against the escalating cost of living and low wages. Some
of those killed were apparently shot in the head at close range. In
Mozambique, the police killed three people and injured 30 others in
February when live ammunition was used against people protesting
against an increase in transport costs.
In Mali, marches were organized against the rise in the price of basic
commodities and against plans to privatize the supply of water in Lere,
in the north-west of the country. At least six people were injured in
November, one of whom died later in hospital, when security forces shot
at the demonstrators. In Burkina Faso, security forces arrested several
hundred people, after demonstrations against rising living costs in
Ouagadougou and Bobo-Dioulasso erupted into violence. At least 80 of
those arrested were sentenced to prison terms without having had access
to a lawyer.
In Zimbabwe, hundreds of activists protesting against the dramatic
decline in the economy and social infrastructure were arrested and
detained without charge. Many protests were broken up by the police,
often using excessive force. The government continued to manipulate
access to food for political motives even though by the end of the year
the UN estimated that about five million people were in need of food
aid. Thousands of people, mostly in rural areas, became displaced as a
result of the state-sponsored political violence and no longer had
access to their food stocks, land or other forms of livelihood.
Thousands of people continued to migrate to other countries hoping to
improve their families’ lives. Many, in desperation, took to the sea,
putting their lives in the hands of ruthless traffickers. Hundreds of
people leaving the Horn of Africa across the Gulf of Aden, in an
attempt to reach Yemen, died during the journey. In Mauritania,
hundreds of migrants, believed to be heading to Europe, were
arbitrarily arrested and detained in the country. Many were detained in
inhuman conditions and ill-treated before being expelled, frequently
not to their countries of origin and without being able to challenge
the expulsion decision.
The rapid urbanization and prevailing poverty in many African countries
means that many people find themselves without adequate housing, often
living in slums. They are at risk of being forcibly evicted by the
authorities and while living in the slums frequently have no access to
basic facilities, such as water and sanitation. In Lagos, Nigeria,
numerous people were forcibly evicted without due process and
subsequently did not receive compensation or alternative housing. In
Chad, a presidential decree, issued during the state of emergency early
in 2008, ordered the demolition of thousands of homes in the capital
N’Djamena, as the authorities considered they had been built on
government land without authorization. Tens of thousands of people
became homeless and had to seek alternative accommodation. In Kenya,
hundreds of families living close to the Nairobi River faced the threat
of forced evictions after the government announced that people living
in informal settlements close to the river needed to leave these areas.
"We have been hit with a double misfortune. First we had to flee because our city came under attack. Now we have nowhere to return to because the government has destroyed our homes. Will the misfortune ever end?" - Chadian refugee, Maltam refugee camp, Cameroon, May 2008.
Prison conditions in many countries remained well below international
standards, often linked to overcrowding. As ever, prisoners from poor
families were worst affected as they often lacked the resources to
ensure their basic needs while in detention.
Insecurity
Armed conflict and insecurity in several African countries forced
hundreds of thousands of people to flee from their homes, trying to
find international protection across borders or some form of security
within their own country. In some of the worst armed conflicts still
affecting the region, government forces and armed groups completely
disregarded the dignity and physical integrity of the population. The
civilian population was routinely the object of attacks by parties to
the conflict; rape and other forms of sexual violence remained
widespread; children were often recruited to take part in hostilities;
and humanitarian workers were targeted. Those responsible for crimes
under international law, committed in the context of these armed
conflicts, were hardly ever held to account.
The role of UN and regional peace keeping missions in Africa increased
during 2008, but failed to make a significant impact in terms of
protecting the civilian population. This was partly, but not entirely,
the result of inadequate resources. The UN and regional bodies, such as
the African Union, made little progress in resolving the armed
conflicts in Sudan (Darfur), Chad, Somalia and the Democratic Republic
of the Congo (North Kivu).
The proliferation of small arms remained a significant contributing
factor to the continuation of armed conflicts and to widespread human
rights abuses. UN arms embargoes have not been effective.
The international community mobilized unprecedented resources to combat
piracy off the coast of Somalia and to protect its commercial
interests. It made no such efforts, however, to halt the flow of arms
to Somalia – despite a UN embargo. Nor did it act effectively to stop
the widespread violations of international humanitarian law by all
parties to the conflict; nor to hold those responsible for crimes under
international law accountable.
Hundreds of thousands of people were also newly displaced as a result
of the conflict in Somalia. Fighting in and around the capital
Mogadishu has led to 16,000 deaths, and undocumented numbers of
wounded, among the civilian population since January 2007. The
Transitional Federal Government was not able to establish its authority
across south central Somalia and lost ground to armed opposition
groups. Humanitarian organizations had only limited access to provide
emergency assistance to an estimated 3.2 million people in need. Aid
workers, as well as journalists and human rights defenders, were often
targeted for political and criminal reasons.
The armed conflict in Darfur intensified throughout the year with no political resolution in sight. Attacks against civilians continued, as well as rape, looting and the destruction of villages. Millions of people remained internally displaced and humanitarian organizations often had no access to those in need because of the overall insecurity and the attacks on humanitarian convoys. As a result, thousands of people remained beyond the reach of emergency aid. People lacked protection from violence, even in internally displaced sites. In just one example in August, the authorities surrounded Kalma camp in South Darfur, opened fire and reportedly shelled the camp, killing 47 people.
The armed opposition group, Justice and Equality Movement (JEM),
launched an attack against Omdurman, on the outskirts of the capital
Khartoum in May. In the aftermath of the attack, the Sudanese
authorities persecuted people thought to be of Darfuri origin. Hundreds
of people were arbitrarily arrested and detained –many were tortured or
otherwise ill-treated. There were also reports of extrajudicial
executions.
Fighting also erupted in Abyei, South Sudan, between the Sudanese Armed
Forces and forces of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM),
resulting in the destruction of the town, the displacement of 50,000
people, and additional strains on the Comprehensive Peace Agreement
between North and South Sudan.
Tensions between Chad and Sudan rose again during 2008, especially
after an attack in early February by Chadian armed opposition groups on
N’Djamena. After two days of intense fighting, Chadian government
forces repelled the attack. Subsequently, the government declared a
state of emergency and arrested various members of the opposition, one
of whom has become a victim of enforced disappearance. There were also
reports of extrajudicial executions immediately after the attack. An
estimated 50,000 people fled the violence in N’Djamena and sought
refuge in neighbouring Cameroon.
Armed conflict was not the only source of widespread insecurity in the
region in 2008. Political violence following elections also played its
part in a number of countries. In Kenya, more than 1,000 people died as
a result of politically motivated ethnic violence and associated police
killings after the elections on 30 December 2007. Hundreds of thousands
of people fled their areas of origin and some fled to neighbouring
countries such as Uganda. In Zimbabwe, at least 180 people were killed
and thousands injured as a result of state-sponsored political violence
before and after the second round of presidential elections. Many
continued to flee to neighbouring countries, particularly South Africa.
In both Kenya and Zimbabwe, the violence and insecurity not only
affected the people’s physical security, but also their capacity to
earn a livelihood as thousands lost their homes, food supplies, access
to land and other sources of income. Hundreds of thousands of people
became dependent on humanitarian assistance for their basic needs as a
result of political violence.
Tens of thousands of people fleeing xenophobic attacks in South Africa
in May also became dependent on humanitarian assistance as they had to
flee from their homes and lost all their possessions. Over 60 people
were killed and more than 600 were injured after people were beaten,
sexually assaulted and killed in various provinces, often by people
living in the same community. These xenophobic attacks against
individuals, targeted because of their perceived nationality, ethnicity
or migrant status, were fuelled partly by the deprivation in which many
South Africans still live. Official investigations failed to bring the
perpetrators to justice, or to clarify the causes of the violence.
"I was at home when a young FARDC soldier came to the house... Then he raped me... I was told later that he was whipped as a punishment, but the soldier is still at the camp and I see him regularly. When I see him, he tries to joke with me. He frightens me. I feel very anxious and depressed. I would like to press charges, but what could I really do to a soldier?" - Venantie, a 56-year-old widowed farmer in Beni territory, North Kivu, DRC, was raped on 25 January 2008.
Exclusion
Many groups in African societies continued to face discrimination and
exclusion from protection or the means to get redress for the abuses
they suffered. In Uganda, for example, victims of numerous human rights
abuses during the armed conflict in the north of the country remained
destitute and traumatized, often excluded from any means of redress.
Across the Africa region, people suffered discrimination within their
families and communities because of their gender or their HIV status,
exacerbated by their poverty. In South Africa for example, where
5.7million people were living with HIV, poor rural women continued to
face barriers in accessing health services for HIV and AIDS due to
unmanageable distances from health facilities and transport costs.
Stigma and gender-based discrimination, including violence, also
affected the women’s ability to protect themselves against HIV
infection and to seek health care and support.
Women were also discriminated against in various societies under
customary laws and traditional practices. The customary laws of certain
ethnic groups in Namibia, for example, discriminate against women and
girls, specifically laws on marriage and inheritance.
In various countries, notably Tanzania, albino people were murdered in
what were believed to be ritual killings. Although the government of
Tanzania denounced the killings, nobody was prosecuted in relation to
them during 2008, even though a number of people were arrested.
People were persecuted for their (perceived) sexual orientation in
countries including Cameroon, Gambia, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal and
Uganda. In various countries, same-sex sexual relationships were a
criminal offence.
In many African countries the judicial system lacks independence. In
addition, the justice systemis often under-resourced, poorly equipped
and understaffed, leading to excessive delays in hearing criminal
cases. For those with little access to financial resources, negotiating
the criminal justice system can prove a nightmare.
In Nigeria, for example, those who are poor face numerous obstacles to
obtaining a fair trial within an acceptable period of time. Although
some efforts have been made to provide legal aid, it is not nearly
enough to grant legal representation for all who need it but cannot
afford to pay for a lawyer – even in cases carrying the death penalty.
The more than 700 people living on death row in Nigeria in 2008 all had
one thing in common – they were poor.
However, in a landmark decision, the Community Court of Justice of the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) ordered the
government of Niger to pay reparations to a woman who had been held in
domestic and sexual slavery for a decade, on the basis that the
authorities had failed to implement existing laws against slavery.
Voice
Governments continued to restrict, without justification, the rights to
freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly. However,
efforts by governments to control information were also countered by
increasingly vibrant civil societies, often working in partnership with
each other, and stronger independent media.
Legislation or other forms of regulation were frequently used to
restrict the work of civil society and the media. In Ethiopia, the
authorities prepared a draft bill that criminalizes human rights
activities and gives authorities an excessive level of control over
civil society organizations. In Swaziland, the new Suppression of
Terrorism Act, with its impermissibly broad definitions of terrorism
had a chilling effect on the activities of civil society organizations
and infringed the rights of freedom of expression, peaceful assembly
and association. In Chad, a presidential decree to limit press freedom
remained in place even after the state of emergency was lifted. In
Sudan, censorship over privately owned media outlets was reinforced. In
Rwanda, the space for independent media workers, including foreign
journalists, remained restricted. In Lesotho, restrictive broadcasting
regulations and the use of criminal defamation, sedition and similar
charges continued to take their toll on individual media workers and
infringed the right to freedom of expression. In Kenya, parliament
passed a media bill, and in Uganda,
the authorities were drafting legislation: both laws would further
restrict press freedom. In Niger, the government imposed a media
blackout on the conflict in the north of the country and banned
journalists from travelling there.
In numerous countries, including Angola, Cameroon, Chad, Equatorial
Guinea, Gambia, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sudan, Tanzania and Togo,
media outlets were suspended because the authorities
disapproved of their stories. Journalists were routinely arrested and
sometimes charged with criminal offences, purely for carrying out their
work.
Political opponents of the government were arbitrarily arrested and
detained in Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Chad, Equatorial Guinea,
Ethiopia, Gambia, Mauritania, Republic of Congo, Swaziland and
Zimbabwe. In some cases members of the political opposition were
subjected to enforced disappearance or unlawfully killed. In other
countries the space for political opposition, free speech and civil
society was non-existent, such as in Eritrea.
Human rights defenders remained at risk in various countries and were
often harassed and sometimes arrested for defending their rights as
well as the rights of others. Journalists and human rights activists
regularly had to flee their country because of security risks.
In Zimbabwe, numerous human rights activists, trade union
representatives and political opposition members were arrested. Some
were abducted and killed by government security forces as well as
non-state actors working on behalf of the authorities. In Cameroon,
Central African Republic, Chad and Sudan, human rights defenders were
also arrested. In some cases those detained were tortured or otherwise
ill-treated. In a number of countries civil society organizations were
closed down, or threatened with closure, by the authorities.
Accountability
Unless governments address impunity in a serious manner the widespread
human rights violations across this region will continue. At the
moment, those who abuse others’ rights can continue to do so freely.
Occasionally, after large-scale human rights violations, commissions of
inquiry or other types of investigative panels are set up, but they are
often more to appease public opinion than to establish the truth and
identify those responsible.
"I want to be compensated for the injuries. I want to talk to my attackers and be told the truth about why I was beaten. I also want them to be brought to justice." - Lyn, an 86-year-old woman victim of politically motivated violence, Zimbabwe, August 2008.
In Chad, a national commission of inquiry into hundreds of killings and
other human rights violations in February 2008 published its report in
September – no action was taken by the government to implement its
recommendations. A commission of inquiry set up in Guinea to
investigate human rights violations committed in 2006 and
2007 did not conduct any investigations. In Liberia, the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission concluded its public hearings and its
findings were pending by the end of the year. The commission of inquiry
in Kenya, set up to investigate the post-election violence, made its
findings public in October. Even though the government pledged to
implement the recommendations in the report it had not, by
the end of the year, put in place a comprehensive plan of action to do
so.
Unfortunately, governments often use commissions of inquiry, or truth
and reconciliation, as surrogates for judicial inquiries, which are
essential for establishing individual criminal responsibility.
The International Criminal Court (ICC) continued to pursue a number of
cases from Africa. The application by the ICC Prosecutor for an arrest warrant to be issued against President Omar Al Bashir of
Sudan for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide triggered
efforts to undermine the work of the ICC by various states and regional
bodies, including the African Union (
While the ICC continued to pursue a number of cases from Africa, it can
only prosecute a limited number of individuals. It is essential that
national jurisdictions also investigate and prosecute those
suspected of being responsible for crimes under international law,
including by exercising universal jurisdiction. Regrettably, Senegal
has only made limited progress in the case of former Chadian President
Hissène Habré, indicating a lack of political will to initiate serious
investigations.
On amore positive note, the
"Even the short man can see the sky. When will the international community see what is happening in somalia?" - Somali human rights defender Abdullahi Alas Jumale, currently in exile, July 2008
Conclusion
There is still an enormous gap between the rhetoric of African
governments, which claim to protect and respect human rights, and the
daily reality where human rights violations remain the norm.
In 2008, Africans deprived of their rights took to the streets.
Protests often became violent, with resentment fuelled by the
repressive attitudes of governments towards dissent and protest. These
protests are likely to continue.
So many people are living in utter destitution; so few of them have any
chance to free themselves from poverty. Their dire situation is
exacerbated by the failure of governments in the Africa region to
provide basic social services, ensure respect for the rule of law,
address corruption and be accountable to their people.
As the global economic outlook appears more and more gloomy, hope lies
in the continuing vitality of civil societies across the region, and
the determination of human rights defenders willing to challenge
entrenched interests despite the risks they face.
Events that have occurred in 2009
Select a Country Report
From Amnesty.org
President Obama should take the lead on lifting embargo against Cuba
01 September 2009
Sri Lanka jails journalist for 20 years for exercising his right to freedom of expression
01 September 2009
Malaysia indefinitely postpones caning of woman
28 August 2009