History Compass 11/2 (2013): 163–176, 10.1111/hic3.12027 Environmental Justice, Environmentalism, and Environmental History in Twentieth-Century Latin America Emily Wakild* Boise State University Abstract Environmental histories of Latin America have reached a critical mass. The breadth, depth, and sophistication of this new literature merit comparisons to less conventionally environmental topics, such as labor and politics, and new strands of environmental research, such as environmental justice. While the field of Latin American environmental history for the twentieth century is far from complete or comprehensive, one of its strengths is the simultaneous consideration of social relationships (including struggles for justice) and the natural world. Rather than a need to catch up with other historiographies that have bifurcated environmental history and environmental justice, this integrated model of investigation places recent scholarship in a strategic place to make history more policy relevant. Going forward, scholars should continue to find and fuse environ- mental history and environmental justice studies and refrain from letting distinctions among subfields conceal rich thematic harmony. Newcomers to Latin American environmental history might survey the literature and superficially determine there is little work on environmental justice. Titles of works often highlight the non-human elements – oil, sugarcane, forests – but say less about the social dimensions of the human groups whose stories are recounted within. Unfortunately, such an assessment would inaccurately characterize a field that should be recognized instead for the embedded analysis of non-human nature and inequality among humans. To reframe the apparent dearth of environmental justice studies for the region, I would like to ques- tion the guiding assumption behind the separation of environmental justice from environ- mental history by asking: Why aren’t environmental issues conventionally assumed to be about justice? Is the cleavage between the efforts of marginalized groups to address injus- tice and the history of the environment a framing problem (different terms are used to describe the same things), a literature gap problem (scholars have not yet asked the ques- tions necessary to understand the connections) or a latency problem (Latin Americans as historical actors have not conceptualized environmental issues)? I concur with Joan Martı´- nez-Alier’s argument from two decades ago, that the poor are and have been historically quite sensitive to the challenges and opportunities presented by the non-human environ- ment and thus the relationship between nature and justice is overlooked not because of latency but rather a combination of a framing issue and a literature gap.1 To address this, I review the larger contours of the development of environmental justice scholarship and the extant literature on environmental justice for the region. Next, I examine environ- mental history works embedded with issues of justice, including the areas of conservation, agriculture, landscape change, and vulnerability. Finally, I turn to the environmental sides of political and social movements. Rather than a story of tree-huggers, hikers, or elite ª 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd 164 Environmental Justice in Latin America societies, many environmental histories predominantly honor Latin Americans’ concerns for the nonhuman world as concordant with justice for people. Frameworks and Questions Environmental histories – histories that examine the relationships between humans and non-human nature – of Latin America now line the shelves of libraries and grace the mastheads of major scholarly journals.2 This field is both innovative and timeworn. The array of topics – especially acute in the realms of ‘‘colonialism, capitalism, and conserva- tion’’ – combined with the region’s inherent geographical and chronological breadth amounts to an impressive body of scholarship.3 Recent authors have examined the human and ecological costs of guano mining in coastal Peru, the complex dynamics of consumption and production on banana plantations in Honduras, the coffee revolution in Guatemala, the consequences of transborder henequen and wheat production, and the management and mismanagement of forests in Chile among other topics.4 These recent modern evaluations are not orphaned chapters – they are nourished by classic studies including the work of Alfred Crosby, Warren Dean, Elinor Melville, and Cynthia Radding in addition to the masterpieces of historical geographers.5 Up to date synthetic works provide excellent general overviews.6 The sophistication of these works and their relevance for more inclusive history, especially social and economic history, exhibits how an environmental history framework can probe persistent issues in Latin America’s past and provide new insight into the working relationships among communities, govern- ments, and the natural world. Identifying and analyzing factors beyond human control – whether they are as small as a banana fungus or as massive as melting glaciers – can move historical study towards more careful questions about human agency, social incorporation, economic sovereignty, and even the composition of the body and the body politic. The sub-field of Latin American environmental history’s clearest attribute is that authors con- sider the role of the non-human world while also giving implicit and explicit attention to concerns for justice for people. Latin American historians more broadly have interrogated processes of social change, state formation, and the politics of incorporation (including social organization, collective action, unions, cooperatives, revolutionary movements, or other expressions of citizenship). They have less frequently asked if such expressions emerged from particular relationships with the natural world – even the defense or acqui- sition of land, water, or minerals – and what this meant.7 By contrast, environmental his- tories of the United States have primarily addressed the legal management of natural resources, large scale processes of human induced change, and competing cultural con- structions of nature.8 This scholarship more rarely examines the differentiated application of such changes to social groups within a society. In other words, Latin American envi- ronmental history begins with social questions while US environmental history grows from legal, political, and cultural questions. At the confluence between these approaches a subfield of environmental justice has emerged. In the US this related but separate branch of inquiry has pushed research away from classic studies of conservation and into urban areas and minority regions to consider energy, toxicity, and racism in new ways. The US Environmental Protection Agency’s conventional definition of environmental justice explains it as ‘‘the fair treatment and meaningful involvement of all people regardless of race, color, sex, national origin, or income with respect to the development, implementation and enforcement of environ- mental laws, regulations, and policies.’’9 Environmental justice has attracted activists and academics from a wide array of disciplines and both the field of scholarship and the envi- ª 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 11/2 (2013): 163–176, 10.1111/hic3.12027  Environmental Justice in Latin America 165 ronmental justice movement are dominated by non-historians.10 Yet, the idea of environ- mental justice as separate from environmental history itself seems curious and the transfer of this idea outside of the US is problematic because it implies that other environmental histories are not themselves concerned with issues of equality, justice, or fairness. To the contrary, environmental historians of Latin America have been deeply concerned with marginalized or minority populations, social transformation, and questions of who bears the costs and reaps the benefits of a given territory’s natural resources. Environmental justice scholarship about Latin America is slowly emerging however coherent and rigorous attention to issues of justice in the past predate the separate subfield. Rather than trying to catch up with recent trends, environmental historians of Latin America have forged ahead considering the intertwined social and environmental dimensions of the human past and their implications for just and unjust arrangements of power.11 Latin American environmental historians have been sensitive to writing the history of people’s relationship to the natural world using the terms and concepts Latin Americans themselves have used to frame environmental concerns rather than ideas currently in vogue in the US. The result is a formidable literature on justice using the environment as a unifying concept of investigation. This refreshing strength – that honors the meanings articulated by historical actors across the region – should draw in scholars interested in environmental justice, environmental history, and inequality, fairness, and justice more broadly. For Latin America, much environmental history is already about justice while little environmental justice scholarship is historical. Literature on Environmental Justice The singular volume on environmental justice in Latin America is David Carruthers’ edi- ted volume, Environmental Justice in Latin America: Problems, Promise, and Practice (2008).12 Carruthers explains that the book enters into the ‘‘emerging effort to explore the promise and limits of environmental justice in Latin America and the Caribbean, both as a banner of popular mobilization and as a set of principles for analysis, interpretation, and policy.’’ By addressing the unfair distribution of environmental risks, environmental justice has been both academic and political in its recent formulation (Carruthers dates the emer- gence of environmental justice claims to the mid-1980s and onward).13 This is a useful volume as it addresses up front the conceptual challenges with the formation of the term environmental justice and its application to Latin America. The twelve contributions in the volume span the hemisphere, from the shores of Puerto Rico to the Brazilian Cerrado including a heavy focus on Mexico. Topics range from parks and ecotourism to water control and trade politics. This could easily be the go-to volume for environmental justice yet for historians it raises more questions than it answers. This is a clear case of the application of a term derived in the US to Latin America. It is fine (and certainly easy) to seek out examples of environmental justice in the region, yet what is gained in interpretation from doing so is less clear. On the one hand, examples from Latin America – especially the US- Mexico border and Puerto Rico – can challenge and reformulate scholarship within the US to include geographically peripheral areas. What environmental justice as a frame- work does for the larger region’s historiography is more suspect.14 Forging a more blended understanding of the historic relationship between (in)justice and the environ- ment in Latin America provides a more useful analytical tool for coming to terms with the broader profile of research on the relationships between individuals, societies, and the non-human world. ª 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 11/2 (2013): 163–176, 10.1111/hic3.12027 166 Environmental Justice in Latin America Other studies that address the theme but don’t identify as environmental justice alert us to similar issues, especially of urban toxicity and industrial concerns. For instance, the compelling ethnography of neighborhoods adjacent to Shell oil refineries in Buenos Aires, Flammable: Environmental Suffering in an Argentine Shantytown, illuminates the daily struggles of sickness, health, and suffering as shaped by political and economic forces.15 Shockingly intimate and compelling, this text takes the reader deep inside the community where one author grew up. Careful attention to the slippage between condemnation of the toxic dangers and the meanings of contamination explains not just the physical but the psycho- logical suffering – including ‘‘doubts, disagreements, suspicions, fears, and endless wait- ing.’’16 This study fits into the paradigm outlined by Carruthers – it deals with toxicity and is recent.17 Other examples of industrial hazards, including persistently poisonous Cubata˜o, a city in the state of Sa˜o Paulo with the region’s largest sea port and a high concentration of refining and industrial chemical industries, and the high encephalitis rates in Matamoros, Mexico, speak to the need for more comprehensive studies of toxicity.18 A corollary strand of environmental justice scholarship focuses on resistance and organiza- tion against the uneven experience of hazards. Along these lines, political scientist Velma Garcı´a-Gorena’s study, Mothers and the Mexican Antinuclear Power Movement, is pertinent.19 It belongs in the genre of gendered resistance that gives agency to women as mothers and questions nefarious issue of dealing with industrial wastes.20 Garcı´a-Gorena’s study also addresses a recent experience and is connected to the new social movements of the era. These two examples illustrate the simple truth that scholars of other disciplines have no tendency to cover deeper trends in history. There are at least two relevant journals to this conversation. First, much of the work under the rubric of environmental justice overlaps with the sub-discipline of Political Ecology and the journal Ecologı´a Polı´tica, has published regularly for 20 years. Covering global topics but with consistent attention to the region, among the most cited articles are those regarding struggles over resources, such as the ‘‘water war’’ in Cochabamba.21 The articles are contemporary although a few use a historical lens. Second, the journal Environmental Justice was launched in 2008 and published a special issue on Latin Amer- ica in 2012. Among the introductory essays in the first volume were a skeptical view of the field by Jose´ Drummond and Ari Souza’s legal perspective on Brazilian efforts towards environmental justice and the myth of a racial democracy.22 A third article on Puerto Rico rounded out the totality of articles with attention to Latin America in the journal before the special issue. This jam-packed issue, edited by Mauricio Berger and Cecilia Carrizo Sineiro, reports on the urgency of troubling environmental issues including water pollution, mining, forest destruction, and soil erosion.23 The editors present their aim, to ‘‘generate activist and academic work lines and collaboration’’ and include nine articles and two interviews with environmental justice practitioners, largely describing events from 2000 to the present. The assortment showcases a variety of disci- plinary approaches (including law and political theory) used to explain immediate chal- lenges. Unfortunately, few authors analyze how changes over time have contributed to these contemporary struggles. In my estimation this journal represents neither dearth nor abundance; the journal is new and there have been clear attempts to promote voices from Latin America. One area – or perhaps better stated, one peripheral space – of the region that has received a lot of attention in terms of literature on justice and the environment is the US-Mexico Border. The place where ‘‘the Third World grates up against the first and bleeds,’’ has not lacked for attention to injustice.24 From popular journalists and novelists to political ecologists and anthropologists, writers have been drawn to this region’s ª 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 11/2 (2013): 163–176, 10.1111/hic3.12027  Environmental Justice in Latin America 167 rawness. Here again, we need more historical perspectives. Those that exist derive more from a US border perspective and less from a Mexican one, but perhaps the difficulty classifying identities along this wound is part of the point.25 Among recent works, an arti- cle by Melissa Johnson and Emily Niemeyer exemplifies the gulf in interpretations of toxic environments.26 An explicit contribution to environmental justice studies, the arti- cle examines a border colonia named Derechos Humanos near Matamoros, Mexico. The authors address the unjust forces at work, responses to them, and limitations with the framework.27 In summarizing environmental justice scholarship, there are some beginning stages from interdisciplinary perspectives but little history thus far. Probing beyond, it is useful to ask if issues traditionally associated with environmentalism have explicitly dealt with problems of power distribution and justice. The answer is overwhelmingly yes. There has been no direct separation between issues of environmentalism and justice as the fields suggest in the US (although Christopher Sellers has recently argued that it is a false distinction in the US as well).28 Environmentalism and Environmental Histories Rather than searching the literature for a term, the more important issue remains, what is the relationship between justice and the environment? On the most classic of environ- mental topics, that of conservation, there is a notable lack of separation between nature for nature’s sake and attention to conservation in general. In other words, there is no sep- aration between literature on ‘‘wilderness’’ and that on non-wilderness environments that are lived in and worked. There are several reasons for this. First, the vast majority of parks and reserves in the region have people living within their boundaries.29 These pop- ulations have been less dense and less permanently fixed than their counterparts in North America, South Asia, and Africa.30 Second, many conservationists in the region have been more overtly concerned with keeping people living on the land in a sustainable manner.31 In certain cases, this amounts to the convergence of political ideas for social justice and concern over protecting the environment.32 Third, the absence of a culturally constructed romance with uninhabited nature has prevented an intellectual or popular divide between a supposedly empty nature and its corollary, an impure landscape of work.33 Not only is this conventional area of environmental history underdeveloped, it is more wrapped up in issues of power, justice, and social production.34 Before discussing the links between economic activities, social phenomena and the environment, it is worth reflecting on explicitly environmental writings from the region that express sentiments of environmentalism. There are environmental writers from a range of time periods that have envisioned the environment as explicitly political even though their writings have not resulted in a widely recognized movement.35 The Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral was the first Latin American to win a Nobel Prize for literature (in 1945) but her acclaim around the region for her nature themes came earlier. For instance, she became an honorary member of the Mexican Society of Foresters in the 1930s. The writings of Victor Toledo (Mexico) and Luis Oyarzu´n (Chile) are also noteworthy as examples of regional environmental writers in conversation with global environmental themes and in response to particular local issues.36 In the late twentieth century, poet Homero Arijdis has been involved in organizing environmental groups in Mexico, first to combat smog in the capital and also to protect grey whale habitat near Baja California. Also relevant is the work of field scientists who have had considerable success in translat- ing their understanding of the importance of nature to at least some parts of the public. ª 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 11/2 (2013): 163–176, 10.1111/hic3.12027 168 Environmental Justice in Latin America In Brazil, several ‘generations’ of environmental scientists articulated the building blocks of conservation policy and awareness in the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s.37 Two recent examples are, Adriana Hoffmann in Chile who has written a field guide to Chilean flora and identified more than 100 species of cactus, and Antonio Brack-Egg in Peru, a prolific biologist and director of the ministry of the environment since 2009. While these indi- viduals have national prominence they lack global recognition. Yet, the absence of acknowledgment is not overwhelming evidence of the lack of environmental thinking. Instead that thinking about the environment has an alternative form, one embedded in other issues, such as land rights or urban mobilization. Beyond individual environmentalists, issues of the environment have been linked more explicitly to broader political issues in the region. The highest profile of these surround the use of ‘‘rainforest’’ areas, in particular the Amazon basin. As early as the 1960s, Brazilian anthropologists including the Villas-Boas brothers, defended areas of nature as reserves for indigenous peoples thus marrying the defense of nature with the defense of native peoples’ rights to life and land.38 They drew their thinking back to Caˆndido Mari- ano da Silva Rondon and his legacy of protecting native peoples by confirming land rights and configuring a paternalistic relationship to the state.39 The role of native peoples and nature in uniting the nation is very much up for debate.40 The Amazon basin has been a dramatic playing field for debates about a host of social and environmental issues – from extractive reserves and national parks to road building and national identity forma- tion.41 For instance, widespread attention to Chico Mendes’s assassination contributed to social protests that ended the military dictatorship. Articulating threats to native peoples and the environment proved a mechanism for working against larger social injustices and a return to democracy.42 The conjunction of environmental stewardship with social demands for rights to sovereignty, autonomy, and self-determination provide compelling evidence of an ethic stretching beyond a notion of romantic wilderness. While no singu- lar coordinated ‘‘rainforest’’ or ‘‘Amazonian’’ movement exists, the conjunction of move- ments involving power, justice, and the environment reveals the rooted nature of nature in debates over the social and political uses of the land. Beyond the rain forest, environmental histories have explained economic endeavors, in particular, the agro-ecological dimensions of commodity production. Production and consumption have been primary axes of relationships with the environment and com- modities are the units of material interaction mediating human labor and pleasure. Recent work by environmental historians explaining the complicated facets of these relationships help expand the idea of environmental justice backward in time and beyond urban areas or industrial activities. Here, Thomas Rogers’ work is illustrative. In his monograph, Deepest Wounds: A Labor and Environmental History of Sugar in Northeast Brazil, Rogers merges two areas of historical scholarship examining the web of interconnected ruptures and continuities in the agricultural landscapes, labor practices, and policies regarding sugar production in Pernambuco.43 Rogers does not explicitly take up the language of environ- mental justice or injustice, nor do the workers whose lives he examines. However, the text is useful for the attention to long term historical processes and especially the role of human laborers in shaping natural landscapes for political and economic ends. This envi- ronmental transformation is at its core about justice – the inequality of labor, its persis- tence, and the effects on humanity. Another recent award-winning study, Myrna Santiago’s Ecology of Oil: Environment, Labor, and the Mexican Revolution, 1900–1938, moves labor history towards environmental history.44 Using Mexican petroleum – a case pivotal to understanding Mexican politics and social change – Santiago shows that oil production resulted in shifts in land tenure ª 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 11/2 (2013): 163–176, 10.1111/hic3.12027  Environmental Justice in Latin America 169 patterns, changes in land use, and transformations in structures of local society. Detailed examples of the landscape before and after industrial development complement and sup- port examples of changes to workers and their social ecology. Other authors have approached classic issues – some as traditional as agrarian reform – with fresh insights derived from decades of research breaking apart the hegemony of state power with the insights of local knowledge. For instance, Raymond Craib’s recent essay, ‘‘The Archive in the Field’’ uses a close reading of land petitions in Veracruz, Mexico to illustrate how a historian’s consideration of land’s varied functions can reveal how villag- ers engaged in the social production of space themselves.45 While Craib doesn’t explicitly invoke the lens of environmental history or environmental justice, his analysis highlights varied interpretations of the land – a neither static nor self-evident entity – and thus pushes forward our understanding of the past. This classic area of historical research, the conjunction of land and revolution, remains suggestive but surprisingly underdeveloped when it comes to issues of environmental justice. Histories that explain relations of power around natural resources are not all related to export commodities or economic outcomes. Some of the most insightful works in recent years have considered the relationship between varied social groups and environ- mental vulnerabilities. For instance, Mark Carey’s In the Shadow of Melting Glaciers: Climate Change and Andean Society, studies the management of risk in Peruvian commu- nities that were ravaged by catastrophic flood events in the latter half of the twentieth century.46 Among its many insights, Carey’s study illuminates the unexpected places where human preference and reluctance defy scientific guidance. In other regions, like central Mexico, historians have considered the vulnerabilities that arise in the transfor- mation of the landscape, whether by draining lakes, logging forests, or constructing factories.47 Other connections with the economy fill out the picture. Ecotourism, for instance, has been particularly suited to Latin America in the last decades. The term, coined by Mexi- can landscape architect Hecto´r Ceballos-Lascurain, went on to be perfected in idea if not in practice by Costa Rica’s governors.48 Tourism (in ‘‘eco’’ or conventional forms) pro- vides a complicated layer in the palimpsest of human-environment interactions by collaps- ing production and consumption and disrupting resource flows to some extent. The promise and problems with ecotourism are perhaps too recent for historical insights yet it seems the links are deeper than their current articulation, at least stretching back to Rio’s beaches and Mexico’s pyramids in the 1940s and 1950s. The reclamation of justice through the ‘‘new social movements’’ of the 1990s and 2000s also provided important conceptualizations for social scientists interested in the return to democracy in the region. New studies of justice, including Susan Eckstein and Timothy Wickham-Crowley’s edited volume, What Justice? Whose Justice? Fighting for Fairness in Latin America, expanded the study of social justice yet stopped short of environmental approaches to democracy, inclusion, and even the economic patrimony of the region.49 Yet other stud- ies, like the magisterial tome by Arturo Escobar, Territories of Difference: Place, Movements, Life, Redes, deepen the framework of struggles over globalization and development by plac- ing them in their environmental locales and showing how these are contested spaces worthy of interrogation.50 Scholarship like Escobar’s on the new social movements heightens our recognition of the limits to and extension of citizenship that occurs in tandem with place- based ecological practices and forms of knowledge. Such insights should be a call for histori- ans to consider to what degree older social movements have linked their politics or calls for justice to the environment – whether in the Mexico of La´zaro Ca´rdenas, the Cuba of early Fidel Castro, or the Chile of Augusto Pinochet. ª 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 11/2 (2013): 163–176, 10.1111/hic3.12027 170 Environmental Justice in Latin America Towards Histories of the Environment and Justice Why is it that historians, like Rogers or Craib, don’t use a framework of environmental justice? Perhaps because there is no consistent and useful way to parse what is or is not social or environmental about the inequalities embedded in sugar production any more than the siting of hazardous waste, state responses to hurricane destruction, or access to parks and clean air. More importantly, why should we care about competing subfields of research? Because the framing of environmental justice determines the kinds of problems that are identified and the possible solutions to those problems. For instance, the privatization of public goods (water, subsoil minerals, forests) has been acute in Latin America, (such as Endesa’s role privatizing water in Bolivia or the Camisea pipeline project in Peru). To understand the heritage of these current environmental justice issues, present day actors need frame- works so that the idea of a public good is not left to be an issue of historical (in)justice. Scholars have a responsibility to prevent rendering ‘‘discursive violence’’ to historical sub- jects and histories that merge social and ecological explanations for past decisions can contextualize the current struggles over public goods.51 Greater recognition of the con- nections embedded within Latin American environmental history’s integrated model of explaining the past will help to bridge the gulf between the environment and the people who live there. The includes all of us. In closing, many Latin American environmental historians have already embedded the concerns of environmental justice within their studies. Examining the symbiotic relation- ship between social pressures and ecological constraints helps us to understand the uneven landscape both figuratively and empirically. This provides a more complete understanding of past relationships between individuals, societies, and the non-human natures that shape them. Charting this journey gives a clearer template for constructing a path towards justice. Acknowledgement The author would like to acknowledge the helpful comments of Myrna Santiago, Jeffrey Shumway, and anonymous reviewers on improving this essay. Short Biography Emily Wakild is assistant professor of history at Boise State University in Idaho. She spe- cializes in the history of Mexico and modern Latin America with a focus on social change, revolution, and the environment. Her book, Revolutionary Parks: Conservation, Social Justice, and Mexico’s National Parks was published by the University of Arizona Press in 2011. At present she is working on a comparative history of transnational conservation and scientific research in Amazonian and Patagonian South America that is supported by the National Science Foundation. Notes * Correspondence: Department of History, Boise State University, 1910 University Drive, Boise ID 83725, USA. Email: emilywakild@boisestate.edu. 1 Joan Martı´nez Alier, ‘Ecology and the Poor: A Neglected Dimension of Latin American History’, Journal of Latin American Studies, 23 ⁄ 3 (1991): 621–39. ª 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 11/2 (2013): 163–176, 10.1111/hic3.12027  Environmental Justice in Latin America 171 2 The Latin American Research Review and the Hispanic American Historical Review published special issues on the environment in 2011 and 2012 respectively. 3 Mark Carey, ‘Latin American Environmental History: Current Trends, Interdisciplinary Insights, and Future Directions’, Environmental History, 14 ⁄ 2 (2009): 221–52. 4 Gregory Cushman, ‘The Most Valuable Birds in the World’: International Conservation Science and the Revival of Peru’s Guano Industry, 1909–1965’, Environmental History, 10 ⁄ 3 (2005): 477–509; John Soluri, Banana Cultures: Agriculture, Consumption, and Environmental Change in Honduras and the United States (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006); Thomas Miller Klubock, ‘The Politics of Forest and Forestry on Chile’s Southern Fronteir, 1880s– 1940s’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 86 ⁄ 3 (2006): 535–70; Stefania Gallini, Una historia ambiental del cafe´ en Guatemala: La Costa Cuca entre 1830 y 1902 (AVANCSO: Guatemala, 2009); Sterling Evans, Bound in Twine: The History and Ecology of the Henequen-Wheat Complex for Yucata´n and the American and Canadian Plains, 1880–1950 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2007). 5 Alfred W. Crosby, The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, CT: Green- wood Press, 1972); Carl O. Sauer, The Early Spanish Main, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966); Warren Dean, With Broadax and Firebrand: The Destruction of the Brazilian Atlantic Forest (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); Elinor G. K. Melville, A Plague of Sheep: Environmental Consequences of the Conquest of Mexico (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Cynthia Radding, Wandering Peoples: Colonialism, Ethnic Spaces, and Eco- logical Frontiers in Northwestern Mexico, 1700–1850 (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1997); For early attention to the field itself, see Jose´ Ortiz Monasterio and Alfonso Bulle Goyri, Tierra Profanada. Historia ambiental de Me´xico (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de Antropologı´a e Historia, 1987) and Bernardo Garcı´a Martı´nez and Alba Gon- za´lez Ja´come, Estudios sobre historia y ambiente en America, I: Argentina, Bolivia, Mexico, Paraguay (Mexico City: Insti- tuto Panamericano de Geografı´a e Historia ⁄ El Colegio de Me´xico, 1999); Bernardo Garcı´a Martı´nez and Marı´a del Rosario Prieto, Estudios sobre Historia y Ambiente en Ame´rica, II: Norteame´rica, Sudame´rica y el Pacı´fico (Mexico City: El Colegio de Me´xico ⁄ Instituto Panamericano de Geografı´a e Historia, 2002). 6 Many excellent assessments of Latin American Environmental History have been written. In addition to Carey 2009, see Shawn Miller, An Environmental History of Latin America, (Cambridge University Press, 2007); Guillermo Castro Herrera, ‘The Environmental Crisis and the Tasks of History in Latin American’, Environment and History, 3 (1997): 1–18; Sterling Evans, ‘Historiografı´a Verde: Estado de la historia sobre la conservacio´n de la naturaleza e Ame´rica Latina’, in Reinaldo Funes Monzote (ed.), Naturaleza en declive: miradas a la historia ambiental de Ame´rica La- tina y el Caribe, (Valencia, Spain: Centro Francisco Toma´s y Valiente UNED Alzira-Valencia ⁄ Fundacio´n Instituto de Historia Social, 2008); and Lise Sedrez, ‘Environmental History’, in Thomas H. Holloway (ed.), Companion to Latin American History, (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2008). 7 Daniel J. Faber, Environment under Fire: Imperialism and Ecological Crisis in Central America (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1993). 8 This literature is immense, for illustrative US examples see David Stradling, Smokestacks and Progressives: Environ- mentalists, Engineers, and Air Quality in America, 1881–1951 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002); Donald Worster, Dust Bowl: The Southern Plains in the 1930s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), J. Baird Callicott and Michael P. Nelson, (eds.), The Great New Wilderness Debate: An Expansive Collection of Writings Defining Wilderness From John Muir to Gary Snyder (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998). For a broader review see Joa- chim Radkau, Nature and Power: A Global History of the Environment, Trans. Dunlop (New York: Cambridge and German Historical Institute, 2009). 9 In addition to the works discussed below, the American Society for Environmental History’s 2009 conference hosted an environmental justice workshop and allotted a significant portion of the program to the emerging strand of scholarship. Environmental History in the US is well developed, for an introduction see the journal Environmental History; see also the roundtable with major scholars in the Journal of American History 78 (March 1992) and reflec- tions compiled by the Rachel Carson Center in ‘‘The Future of Environmental History,’’ http://www.carsoncen- ter.unimuenchen.de/publications/new_perspectives/index.html 10 And exception is the work of Christopher C. Sellars, Hazards of the Job: From Industrial Disease to Environmental Health Science (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997) and as co-editor of the special issue of Osiris, with Gregg Mitman and Michelle Murphy, ‘Landscapes of Exposure: Environment and Health in Historical Perspective’, 19 (2005). 11 Paul Sutter, ‘Reflections: What Can US Environmental Historians Learn from Non-US Environmental Histori- ography?’ Environmental History, 8 ⁄ 1 (2003): 109–29. 12 David Carruthers, Environmental Justice in Latin America: Problems, Promise, and Practice (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2008). For Brazil see, Jose´ Auguso Pa´dua, editor, Desenvolvimento, justic¸a e meio ambiente (Brazil: Editora Universidade Federal Minas Gerais, 2009). 13 Carruthers, Environmental Justice, 1. See US examples, Laura Pulido, Environmentalism and Economic Justice: Two Chicano Struggles in the Southwest (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1996); Devon G. Pen˜a, (ed.), Chicano Cul- ture, Ecology, Politics: Subversive Kin (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1998); Joni Adamson, Mei Mei Evans, and Rachel Stein, The Environmental Justice Reader: Politics, Poetics, and Pedagogy, (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2002); Sylvia Hood Washington, Paul C. Rosier, and Heather Goodall, Echoes from the Poisoned Well: Global ª 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 11/2 (2013): 163–176, 10.1111/hic3.12027 172 Environmental Justice in Latin America Memories of Environmental Injustice (Landham, MD: Lexington Books, 2006); For a global volume see, Christof Mauch, Nathan Stoltzfus, and Douglas R. Weiner, Shades of Green: Environmental Activism around the Globe (Land- ham M.D.: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2006). 14 Carruthers (who is a political scientist) addresses the issue of taking a question that has arisen in one geographic area and applying it elsewhere, p. 4. He doesn’t suggest that a sort of sui generis relationship between the environ- ment and justice already existed. 15 Javier Auyero and De´bora Alejandra Swistun, Flammable: Environmental Suffering in an Argentine Shantytown (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009). 16 Auyero and Swistun, 4. 17 Auyero and Swistun, 22; 28. They focus on the newer versions of shantytowns of the 1990s and 2000s, not their predecessors in the 1940s–1960s although a chapter does reconstruct the history of the shantytown through the voices of long-time residents. 18 Joe Bandy, ‘Reterritorializing Borders: Transnational Environmental Justice Movements on the US-Mexico Bor- der’, Race, Gender, and Class, 5 ⁄ 1 (1997): 80–103. On Cubata˜o see chapter 5 in Kathryn Hochstetler and Margaret E. Keck, Greening Brazil: Environmental Activism in State and Society (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2007). See also, Michael Painter and William H. Durham, (eds.), The Social Causes of Environmental Destruction in Latin America (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995). 19 Velma Garcı´a-Gorena, Mothers and the Mexican Antinuclear Power Movement (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1999). 20 The most famous case of this is probably mother and activist Lois Gibbs and the contamination of the Love Canal neighborhood in upstate New York. Elizabeth D. Blum, Love Canal Revisited: Race, Class, and Gender in Environmental Activism (Kansas: University of Kansas Press, 2008). 21 Carlos Crespo Flores, ‘La guerra del agua en Cochabamba: movimientos sociales y crisis de dispositivos del poder’, Ecologı´a Polı´tica, 20 (2000): 59–70. 22 Jose´ Drummond, ‘What I Would Like to See Published in Environmental Justice’, Environmental Justice, 1 ⁄ 4 (2008): 179–82; Ari Souza, ‘The Gathering Momentum for Environmental Justice in Brazil’, Environmental Justice, 1 ⁄ 4 (2008): 183–8; Joel C. Yelin, and DeMond S. Miller, ‘A Brief History of Environmental Inequity and Military Colonialism on the Isle of Vieques, Puerto Rico’, Environmental Justice, 2: ⁄ 3 (2009): 153–9. 23 Mauricio Berger and Cecilia Carrizo Sineiro, Environmental Justice in Latin America, Environmental Justice, 5 ⁄ 2 (2012). 24 Gloria Anzaldu´a, Borderlands ⁄ La Frontera: The New Mestiza (San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books, 1987), 3. 25 Bandy, ‘‘Reterritorializing.’’ 26 Melissa A. Johnson and Emily D. Niemeyer, ‘Ambivalent Landscapes: Environmental Justice in the US-Mexico Borderlands,’ Human Ecology, 36 (2008): 371–82. See also the collections mentioned in note 13. 27 Devon Pen˜a, Terror of the Machine: Technology, Work, Gender, and Ecology on the US-Mexico Border (Austin: Uni- versity of Texas Press, 1997). 28 Sellers, Environmental Justice, 2008. 29 Stephan Amend and Thora Amend, (eds.), ¿Espacios sin habitantes? Parques nacionales de Ame´rica del Sur (Caracas, Venezuela and Gland, Switzerland: UICN and Nueva Sociedad, 1992). They estimate 85%. 30 Dan Brockington, Rosaleen Duffy, and Jim Igoe, Nature Unbound: Conservation, Capitalism, and the Future of Pro- tected Areas (London: Earthscan, 2008); Mark Dowie, Conservation Refugees: The Hundred-Year Conflict between Global Conservation and Native Peoples (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2009). 31 Arturo Go´mez-Pompa and Andrea Kaus, ‘Taming the Wilderness Myth’, BioScience 42 ⁄ 4 (1992): 271–8. 32 Emily Wakild, Revolutionary Parks: Conservation, Social Justice, and Mexico’s National Parks 1910–1940 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2011). 33 For an introduction in the US see J. Baird Callicott and Michael P. Nelson, Great New Wilderness Debate (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998). What few critiques there are rehash claims emanating from the North, Carlos A. Vicente, ‘Los refugiados del conservacionismo’, Ecologı´a Polı´tica, 33 (2007): 11–2. 34 Evans, ‘‘Historiografia verde.’’ 35 Part of the explanation for this might come from the way non-written forms of expression have shaped identities in the region, see William H. Beezley, Mexican National Identity (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2010). See also the final chapter in Miller, Environmental History. 36 Vı´ctor Toledo, Naturaleza, produccio´n, cultura. Ensayos de ecologı´a polı´tica (Mexico: Universidad Veracruzana, 1989) and Luis Oyarzu´n, Defensa de la tierra (Santiago, Chile: Editorial Universitaria, 1973). 37 Jose´ Luis de Andrade Franco and Jose´ Drummond, ‘Wilderness and the Brazilian Mind (I): Nation and Nature in Brazil from the 1920s to the 1940s’, Environmental History 13 ⁄ 4 (2008): 724–50 and ‘Wilderness and the Brazilian Mind (II): The First Brazilian Conference on Nature Protection (Rio de Janeiro, 1934)’, Environmental History 14 ⁄ 1 (2009): 82–102. See also, Regina Horta Duarte, Protec¸a˜o a` natureza e identidade nacional no Brasil, anos 1920–1940 (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Fiocruz, 2009). 38 Mary and Laurance Rockefeller, ‘How South America Guards Her Green Legacy: Parks, Plans, and People’, National Geographic Magazine, 131 ⁄ 1 (1968): 74–119; Orlando Villas-Boˆas and Cla´udio Villas Boˆas, Xingu: The ª 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 11/2 (2013): 163–176, 10.1111/hic3.12027  Environmental Justice in Latin America 173 Indians, Their Myths (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1973) and A Marcha para Oeste (Sao Paulo: Editora Globo, 1994). 39 Todd A. Diacon, Stringing Together a Nation: Caˆndido Mariano da Silva Rondon and the Construction of a Modern Brazil, 1906–1930 (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2004). 40 Diacon, Stringing Together; Antonio Carlos de Souza Lima, Um grande cerco de paz: poder tutelar indianidade e for- mac¸a˜o do Estado no Brasil (Petro´polis: Vozes, 1991); Kent Redford, ‘The Ecologically Noble Savage’, Cultural Survival Quarterly, 15 ⁄ 1 (1991): 46; Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, and Mauro W. B. de Almeida, ‘Indigenous People, Tradi- tional People, and Conservation in the Amazon’, Daedalus, 129 ⁄ 2 (2000): 315–38. 41 Wendy Wolford, This Land is Ours Now: Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010). 42 Margaret E. Keck, ‘Social Equity and Environmental Politics in Brazil: Lessons from the Rubber Tappers of Acre’, Comparative Politics, (July 1995): 409–24; Susana Hecht and Alexander Cockburn, The Fate of the Forest: Developers, Destroyers, and Defenders of the Amazon (New York: Harper Perennial, 1990). 43 Thomas D. Rogers, The Deepest Wounds: A Labor and Environmental History of Sugar in Northeast Brazil (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010). 44 Myrna Santiago, Ecology of Oil: Environment, Labor, and the Mexican Revolution, 1900–1938 (Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 2006). 45 Raymond B. Craib, ‘The Archive in the Field: Document, Discourse, and Space in Mexico’s Agrarian Reform’, Journal of Historical Geography, 36 ⁄ 4 (2010): 411–20. See also the careful work in Christopher R. Boyer, A Land between Waters: Environmental Histories of Modern Mexico (Tucson: University of Arizona, 2012). 46 Mark Carey, In the Shadow of Melting Glaciers: Climate Change and Andean Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010). 47 See especially Alejandro Tortolero Villasen˜or, (ed.), Tierra, agua, y bosques: Historia y medio ambiente en el Me´xico central (Mexico: Centre Francais d’e´tudes Mexicaines et Centra ame´ricines, Instituto de Investigaciones Dr. Jose´ Marı´a Luis Mora, Potrerillos Editores, Universidad de Guadalajara, 1996); Matthew Vitz, ‘The Lands with Which We Shall Struggle’: Land Reclamation, Revolution, and Development in Mexico’s Lake Texcoco Basin, 1910– 1950’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 92 ⁄ 1 (2012): 41–71. 48 Hecto´r Ceballos-Lascurain, ‘The Future of Ecotourism’, Mexico Journal, 1 ⁄ 17 (1988): 13–4 and Tourism, Ecotour- ism, and Protected Areas: The State of Nature-Based Tourism around the World and Guidelines for its Development (Gland, Switzerland: IUCN, 1996); Martha Honey, Ecotourism and Sustainable Development: Who Owns Paradise? (Washington D.C.: Island Press, 1999). 49 This volume takes a traditional approach to the new movements examining civil society, the judiciary, demo- cratic accountability, and indigenous politics. It does not feature environmental politics or organization. Susan Eva Eckstein and Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley, What Justice? Whose Justice? Fighting for Fairness in Latin America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003). 50 Arturo Escobar, Territories of Difference: Place, Movements, Life, Redes (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2008). See other exceptional works of Colombian environmental history, Claudia Leal and Eduardo Restrepo, Unos bosques sembrados de aserrı´os, Historia de la extraccio´n maderera en el Pacı´fico colombiano (Medellı´n: Universidad de Antio- quia, Universidad Nacional sede Medellı´n, Instituto Colombiano de Antropologı´a e Historia, 2003) and Shawn Van Ausdal, ‘Cattle, Power, and Profit: An Environmental History of Cattle Ranching in Colombia, 1850–1950’, Geofo- rum, 2008. 51 S. R. Rajan, ‘Toward a Metaphysic of Environmental Violence: The Case of the Bhopal Gas Disaster’, in Nancy L. Peluso, and Michael M. Watts (eds.), Violent Environments, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001), 380–98. Bibliography Acselrad, Henri, Herculano, Selene, and Pa´dua, Jose´ Augusto, (eds.), Justic¸a ambiental e cidadania (Rio de Janeiro: Relume Dumara´, 2004). 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