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A rime dictionary, rhyme dictionary, or rime book (traditional Chinese:
These dictionaries specify the pronunciations of characters using the fanqie method, giving a pair of characters indicating the onset and remainder of the syllable respectively. The later rime tables gave a significantly more precise and systematic account of the sounds of these dictionaries by tabulating syllables by their onsets, rhyme groups, tones and other properties. The phonological system inferred from these books, often interpreted using the rime tables, is known as Middle Chinese, and has been the key datum for efforts to recover the sounds of early forms of Chinese. It incorporates most of the distinctions found in modern varieties of Chinese, as well as some that are no longer distinguished. It has also been used together with other evidence in the reconstructions of Old Chinese.
Some scholars use the French spelling rime, as used by the Swedish linguist Bernard Karlgren, for the categories described in these works, to distinguish them from the concept of poetic rhyme.[1]
Pronunciation guides
editI have taken the sounds and the rhymes of the various specialists and the dictionaries of the ancients and moderns, and by arranging what those before me have recorded, I have made up the five volumes of the Qieyun. The splits and analyses are exceedingly fine and the distinctions abundant and profuse.
— Lu Fayan (601), Qieyun, preface translated by S.R. Ramsey[2]
Chinese scholars produced dictionaries to codify reading pronunciations for the correct recitation of the classics and the associated rhyme conventions of regulated verse.[3] The earliest rime dictionary was the Shenglei (lit. 'sound types') by Li Deng (
Various schools of the Jin dynasty and Northern and Southern dynasties produced their own dictionaries, which differed on many points. The most prestigious standards were those of the northern capital Luoyang and the southern capital Jinling (modern Nanjing).[6] In 601, Lù Fǎyán (
The Qieyun quickly became popular as the standard of cultivated pronunciation during the Tang dynasty. The dictionaries on which it was based fell out of use, and are no longer extant.[9] Several revisions appeared, of which the most important were:[10][11]
Date | Compiler | Title |
---|---|---|
601 | Lù Fǎyán |
Qièyùn |
677 | Zhǎngsūn Nèyán |
Qièyùn |
706 | Wáng Rénxū |
Kānmiù bǔquē Qièyùn |
720 | Sūn Miǎn |
Tángyùn |
751 | Sūn Miǎn |
Tángyùn |
763–84 | Lǐ Zhōu |
Qièyùn |
In 1008, during the Song dynasty, a group of scholars commissioned by the emperor produced an expanded revision called the Guangyun. The Jiyun (1037) was a greatly expanded revision of the Guangyun.[10][12] Lu's initial work was primarily a guide to pronunciation, with very brief glosses, but later editions included expanded definitions, making them useful as dictionaries.[11]
Until the mid-20th century, the oldest complete rime dictionaries known were the Guangyun and Jiyun, though extant copies of the latter were marred by numerous transcription errors. Thus all studies of the Qieyun tradition were actually based on the Guangyun. Fragments of earlier revisions of the Qieyun were found early in the century among the Dunhuang manuscripts, in Turfan and in Beijing.[12][13]
When the Qieyun became the national standard in the Tang dynasty, several copyists were engaged in producing manuscripts to meet the great demand for revisions of the work. Particularly prized were copies of Wáng Rénxū's edition, made in the early 9th century, by Wú Cǎiluán (
Structure
editThe Qieyun and its successors all had the same structure. The characters were first divided between the four tones. Because there were more characters of the 'level tone' (
Each tone was divided into rhyme groups (
Each rhyme group was subdivided into homophone groups preceded by a small circle called a niǔ (
The order of the rhyme groups within each volume does not seem to follow any rule, except that similar groups were placed together, and corresponding groups in different tones were usually placed in the same order. Where two rhyme groups were similar, there was a tendency to choose exemplary words with the same initial.[22] The table of contents of the Guangyun marks adjacent rhyme groups as tóngyòng (
The following are the rhyme groups of the Guangyun with their modern names, the finals they include (see next section), and the broad rhyme groups (shè
Rhyme groups by tone[24][17] | Finals by distribution class[25][26] | shè | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
I/IV | II | mixed | pure III | |||||
1-1. |
3-1. |
4-1. |
5-1. |
-uwng/k | -juwng/k | |||
1-2. |
[f] | 4-2. |
5-2. 沃 wò | -owng/k | ||||
1-3. 鍾 zhōng | 3-2. |
4-3. |
5-3. |
-jowng/k | ||||
1-4. |
3-3. |
4-4. 絳 jiàng | 5-4. |
-æwng/k | ||||
1-5. |
3-4. |
4-5. 寘 zhì | -j(w)(i)e | |||||
1-6. |
3-5. |
4-6. |
-(j)(w)ij | |||||
1-7. |
3-6. |
4-7. |
-i | |||||
1-8. |
3-7. |
4-8. |
-j(w)ɨj | |||||
1-9. |
3-8. |
4-9. |
-jo | |||||
1-10. |
3-9. 麌 yǔ | 4-10. |
-ju | |||||
1-11. |
3-10. |
4-11. |
-u | |||||
1-12. |
3-11. |
4-12. 霽 jì | -(w)ej | |||||
4-13. |
-j(w)(i)ejH | |||||||
4-14. |
-(w)ajH | |||||||
1-13. |
3-12. |
4-15. |
-(w)ɛɨ | |||||
1-14. |
3-13. 駭 hài | 4-16. |
-(w)ɛj | |||||
4-17. 夬 guài | -(w)æjH | |||||||
1-15. |
3-14. |
4-18. |
-woj | |||||
1-16. 咍 hāi | 3-15. |
4-19. |
-oj | |||||
4-20. |
-j(w)ojH | |||||||
1-17. |
3-16. 軫 zhěn | 4-21. |
5-5. |
-(j)in/t | 臻 zhēn | |||
1-18. 諄 zhūn[g] | 3-17. |
4-22. 稕 zhùn[g] | 5-6. |
-(j)win/t | ||||
1-19. 臻 zhēn[h] | 5-7. |
-in/t | ||||||
1-20. |
3-18. 吻 wěn | 4-23. |
5-8. |
-jun/t | ||||
1-21. 欣 xīn[j] | 3-19. |
4-24. 焮 xìn | 5-9. |
-jɨn/t | ||||
1-22. |
3-20. 阮 ruǎn | 4-25. |
5-10. |
-j(w)on/t | (to | |||
1-23. |
3-21. |
4-26. 慁 hùn | 5-11. |
-won/t | (to 臻) | |||
1-24. |
3-22. 很 hěn | 4-27. 恨 hèn | [k] | -on | ||||
1-25. |
3-23. |
4-28. 翰 hàn | 5-12. 曷 hé | -an/t | ||||
1-26. 桓 huán[g] | 3-24. |
4-29. |
5-13. |
-wan/t | ||||
1-27. 刪 shān | 3-25. 潸 shān[l] | 4-30. 諫 jiàn | 5-15. 鎋 xiá | -(w)æn/t | ||||
1-28. |
3-26. |
4-31. 襉 jiàn | 5-14. 黠 xiá | -(w)ɛn/t | ||||
2-1. |
3-27. |
4-32. 霰 xiàn | 5-16. |
-(w)en/t | ||||
2-2. |
3-28. 獮 xiǎn | 4-33. |
5-17. 薛 xuē | -j(w)(i)en/t | ||||
2-3. |
3-29. |
4-34. 嘯 xiào | -ew | |||||
2-4. |
3-30. |
4-35. |
-j(i)ew | |||||
2-5. |
3-31. |
4-36. |
-æw | |||||
2-6. |
3-32. 晧 hào | 4-37. |
-aw | |||||
2-7. |
3-33. 哿 gě | 4-38. 箇 gè | -a | -ja[n] | ||||
2-8. |
3-34. |
4-39. |
-wa | -jwa[n] | ||||
2-9. |
3-35. |
4-40. 禡 mà | -(w)æ | -jæ[o] | ||||
2-10. |
3-36. |
4-41. 漾 yàng | 5-18. |
-j(w)ang/k | 宕 dàng | |||
2-11. |
3-37. |
4-42. 宕 dàng | 5-19. 鐸 duó | -(w)ang/k | ||||
2-12. |
3-38. 梗 gěng | 4-43. |
5-20. 陌 mò | -(w)æng/k | -j(w)æng/k | 梗 gěng | ||
2-13. |
3-39. 耿 gěng | 4-44. |
5-21. |
-(w)ɛng/k | ||||
2-14. |
3-40. |
4-45. 勁 jìng | 5-22. |
-j(w)ieng/k | ||||
2-15. |
3-41. 迥 jiǒng | 4-46. |
5-23. |
-(w)eng | ||||
2-16. |
3-42. 拯 zhěng | 4-47. |
5-24. |
-(w)ing/k | 曾 zēng | |||
2-17. |
3-43. |
4-48. 嶝 dèng | 5-25. |
-(w)ong/k | ||||
2-18. |
3-44. |
4-49. |
-juw | |||||
2-19. |
3-45. |
4-50. |
-uw | |||||
2-20. |
3-46. 黝 yǒu | 4-51. |
-jiw | |||||
2-21. |
3-47. 寑 qǐn[p] | 4-52. 沁 qìn | 5-26. 緝 qì | -(j)im/p | ||||
2-22. 覃 tán | 3-48. |
4-53. |
5-27. |
-om/p | 咸 xián | |||
2-23. |
3-49. 敢 gǎn | 4-54. 闞 kàn | 5-28. 盍 hé | -am/p | ||||
2-24. |
3-50. 琰 yǎn | 4-55. 豔 yàn | 5-29. |
-j(i)em/p | ||||
2-25. 添 tiān | 3-51. |
4-56. 㮇 tiàn | 5-30. 怗 tiē | -em/p | ||||
2-26. 咸 xián | 3-53. 豏 xiàn | 4-58. |
5-31. |
-ɛm/p | ||||
2-27. 銜 xián | 3-54. |
4-59. |
5-32. 狎 xiá | -æm/p | ||||
2-28. |
3-52. |
4-57. 釅 yàn[q] | 5-33. |
-jæm/p | ||||
2-29. 凡 fán | 3-55. 范 fàn | 4-60. 梵 fàn | 5-34. |
-jom/p |
Phonological system
editThe rime dictionaries have been intensively studied as important sources on the phonology of medieval Chinese, and the system they reveal has been dubbed Middle Chinese. Since the Qieyun itself was believed lost until the mid-20th century, most of this work was based on the Guangyun.[36]
The books exhaustively list the syllables and give pronunciations, but do not describe the phonology of the language. This was first attempted in the rime tables, the oldest of which date from the Song dynasty, but which may represent a tradition going back to the late Tang dynasty. Though not quite a phonemic analysis, these tables analysed the syllables of the rime books using lists of initials, finals and other features of the syllable. The initials are further analysed in terms of place and manner of articulation, suggesting inspiration from Indian linguistics, at that time the most advanced in the world. However the rime tables were compiled some centuries after the Qieyun, and many of its distinctions would have been obscure. Edwin Pulleyblank treats the rime tables as describing a Late Middle Chinese stage, in contrast to the Early Middle Chinese of the rime dictionaries.[37]
Structural analysis
editIn his Qièyùn kǎo (1842), the Cantonese scholar Chen Li set out to identify the initial and final categories underlying the fanqie spellings in the Guangyun. The system was clearly not minimal, employing 452 characters as initial spellers and around 1200 as final spellers. However no character could be used as a speller for itself. Thus, for example,[38]
東 was spelled德 +紅 .德 was spelled多 +特 .多 was spelled德 +河 .
From this we may conclude that
Unaware of Chen's work, the Swedish linguist Bernard Karlgren repeated the analysis identifying the initials and finals in the 1910s.[42] The initials could be divided into two broad types: grave initials (labials, velars and laryngeals), which combine with all finals, and acute initials (the others), with more restricted distribution.[43] Like Chen, Karlgren noted that in syllables with grave initials, the finals fell into two broad types, now usually referred to (following Edwin Pulleyblank) as types A and B.[44] He also noted that these types could be further subdivided into four classes of finals distinguished by the initials with which they could combine. These classes partially correspond to the four rows or "divisions", traditionally numbered I–IV, of the later rime tables. The observed combinations of initials and finals are as follows:[45]
Final class | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Type A | Type B | ||||||
I/IV[r] | II | mixed | pure III | ||||
Initial class |
grave | labials | yes | yes | yes | yes | |
acute | dentals | yes | |||||
retroflex stops | yes | yes | |||||
lateral | yes | yes | |||||
dental sibilants | yes | yes | |||||
retroflex sibilants | yes | yes | |||||
palatals | yes | ||||||
grave | velars and laryngeals | yes | yes | yes | yes | ||
Rows of the rime tables | 1 | 4 | 2 | 2–4 | 3 |
Some of the "mixed" finals are actually pairs of type B finals after grave initials, with two distinct homophone groups for each initial, but a single final after acute initials. These pairs, known as chongniu, are also marked in the rime tables by splitting them between rows 3 and 4, but their interpretation remains uncertain. There is also no consensus regarding which final of the pair should be identified with the single final occurring after acute initials.[47]
Reconstructed sound values
editKarlgren also sought to determine the phonetic values of the abstract categories yielded by the formal analysis, by comparing the categories of the Guangyun with other types of evidence, each of which presented their own problems. The Song dynasty rime tables applied a sophisticated featural analysis to the rime books, but were separated from them by centuries of sound change, and some of their categories are difficult to interpret. The so-called Sino-Xenic pronunciations, readings of Chinese loanwords in Vietnamese, Korean and Japanese, were ancient, but affected by the different phonological structures of those languages. Finally modern varieties of Chinese provided a wealth of evidence, but often influenced each other as a result of a millennium of migration and political upheavals. After applying a variant of the comparative method in a subsidiary role to flesh out the rime dictionary evidence, Karlgren believed that he had reconstructed the speech of the Sui-Tang capital Chang'an.[48]
Later workers have refined Karlgren's reconstruction. The initials of the Qieyun system are given below with their traditional names and approximate values:[49]
Stops and affricates | Nasals | Fricatives | Approximants | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Tenuis | Aspirate | Voiced | Tenuis | Voiced | |||
Labials[s] | 幫 [p] | 滂 [pʰ] | |||||
Dentals[t] | |||||||
Retroflex stops[u] | |||||||
Lateral | |||||||
Dental sibilants | |||||||
Retroflex sibilants | 俟 [ʐ][v] | ||||||
Palatals[w] | 以 [j][y] | ||||||
Velars | |||||||
Laryngeals[z] |
In most cases, the simpler inventories of initials of modern varieties of Chinese can be treated as varying developments of the Qieyun initials. The voicing distinction is retained in Wu Chinese dialects, but has disappeared from other varieties. Except in the Min Chinese dialects, a labiodental series has split from the labial series, a development already reflected in the Song dynasty rime tables. The retroflex and palatal sibilants had also merged by that time. In Min dialects the retroflex stops have merged with the dental stops, while elsewhere they have merged with the retroflex sibilants. In the south these have also merged with the dental sibilants, but the distinction is maintained in most Mandarin Chinese dialects. The palatal series of modern Mandarin dialects, resulting from a merger of palatal allophones of dental sibilants and velars, is a much more recent development.[49]
Assigning phonetic values to the finals has proved more difficult, as many of the distinctions reflected in the Qieyun have been lost over time. Karlgren proposed that type B finals contained a palatal medial /j/, a position that is still accepted by most scholars. However Pulleyblank, noting the use of these syllables in the transcription of foreign words without such a medial, claims the medial developed later. A labiovelar medial /w/ is also widely accepted, with some syllables having both medials. The codas are believed to reflect those of many modern varieties, namely the glides /j/ and /w/, nasals /m/, /n/ and /ŋ/ and corresponding stops /p/, /t/ and /k/. Some authors argue that the placement of the first four rhyme groups in the Qieyun suggests that they had distinct codas, reconstructed as labiovelars /ŋʷ/ and /kʷ/. Most reconstructions posit a large number of vowels to distinguish the many Qieyun rhyme classes that occur with some codas, but the number and the values assigned vary widely.[58][59]
The Chinese linguist Li Rong published a study of the early edition of the Qieyun found in 1947, showing that the expanded dictionaries had preserved the phonological structure of the Qieyun intact, except for a merger of initials /dʐ/ and /ʐ/. For example, although the number of rhyme groups increased from 193 in the earlier dictionary to 206 in the Guangyun, the differences are limited to splitting rhyme groups based on the presence or absence of a medial glide /w/.[60][61][62]
However the preface of the recovered Qieyun suggests that it represented a compromise between northern and southern reading pronunciations.[aa]
Most linguists now believe that no single dialect contained all the distinctions recorded, but that each distinction did occur somewhere.[8][63]
For example, the Qieyun distinguished three rhyme groups
Pingshui rhyme categories
editFrom early in the Tang dynasty, candidates in the imperial examination were required to compose poetry and rhymed prose in conformance with the rhyme categories of the Qieyun.
However, the fine distinctions made by the Qieyun were found overly restrictive by poets, and Xu Jingzong and others suggested more relaxed rhyming rules.[66]
The Píngshuǐ (
The Píngshuǐ rhyme groups are the same as the tóngyòng groups of the Guangyun, with a few exceptions:[67]
- The
廢 fèi group is merged with隊 duì.[69] - The rising and departing tone groups corresponding to
蒸 zhēng were merged into the 迥 jiǒng and徑 jìng groups. - The groups
嚴 yán and 凡 fán, which were tóngyòng in the Guangyun, and in complementary distribution, were split between the two preceding tóngyòng groups.[70]
沃 wò | |||
絳 jiàng | |||
寘 zhì | |||
麌 yǔ | |||
霽 jì | |||
軫 zhěn | |||
吻 wěn | |||
阮 ruǎn | |||
翰 hàn | 曷 hé | ||
刪 shān | 潸 shān | 諫 jiàn | 鎋 xiá |
霰 xiàn | |||
嘯 xiào | |||
晧 hào | |||
哿 gě | 箇 gè | ||
禡 mà | |||
漾 yàng | |||
梗 gěng | 陌 mò | ||
迥 jiǒng | |||
寑 qǐn | 沁 qìn | 緝 qì | |
覃 tán | |||
琰 yǎn | 豔 yàn | ||
咸 xián | 豏 xiàn |
Yan Zhengqing's Yunhai jingyuan (c. 780) was the first rime dictionary of multisyllabic words rather than single characters.[72] Though no longer extant, it served as the model for a series of encyclopedic dictionaries of literary words and phrases organized by Píngshuǐ rhyme groups, culminating in the Peiwen Yunfu (1711).[73]
Vernacular dictionaries
editA side-effect of foreign rule of northern China between the 10th and 14th centuries was a weakening of many of the old traditions. New genres of vernacular literature such as the qu and sanqu poetry appeared, as well as the Zhongyuan Yinyun, created by Zhōu Déqīng (
The early Ming dictionary Yùnluè yìtōng (
Tangut
editTangut was the language of the Western Xia state (1038–1227), centred on the area of modern Gansu.
The language had been extinct for four centuries when an extensive corpus of documents in the logographic Tangut script were discovered in the early 20th century.
One of the sources used to reconstruct the Tangut language is the Sea of Characters (Chinese:
See also
editNotes
edit- ^ Middle Chinese transcriptions are given in Baxter's system.
- ^ The Middle Chinese level tone regularly becomes the first or second tone of Modern Chinese, depending on the Middle Chinese initial.
- ^ The Middle Chinese rising tone regularly becomes the third or fourth tone of Modern Chinese, depending on the Middle Chinese initial.
- ^ The Middle Chinese departing tone regularly becomes the fourth tone of Modern Chinese.
- ^ The Middle Chinese entering tone described words ending in a stop -p, -t or -k, corresponding to nasal endings -m, -n and -ng in the other three tones. These final stops have disappeared in northern dialects, including the standard language, with the words distributed among the four modern tones.
- ^ Instead of being placed in their own rhyme group, the few rising tone words in -owng are included in the
腫 zhǒng group, with special annotations.[27] - ^ a b c d e f g h i j k This group was added in the Lǐ Zhōu revision of 763–784 by splitting off syllables with a medial glide /w/ from the previous rhyme group.[17]
- ^ This final occurs only after retroflex sibilants, and is in complementary distribution with
真 .[28] - ^ This final occurs only after retroflex sibilants, and is in complementary distribution with
質 .[28] - ^ In the Qieyun this rhyme group is named
殷 yīn.[29] - ^ Instead of being placed in their own rhyme group, the few words in -ot are included in the
沒 mò group, with special annotations.[30] - ^ This character had readings in both level and rising tones in medieval times, but only the level tone reading is represented in the modern language.
- ^ In the Qieyun this rhyme group is named
号 hào.[29] - ^ a b The few finals in -ja and -jwa are of late date.[31]
- ^ This final occurs only with dental sibilant and palatal initials.[32]
- ^ In the Qieyun this rhyme group is named
寢 qǐn.[33] - ^ a b These rhyme groups were added in the Zhǎngsūn Nèyán revision of 677 by splitting off syllables without a medial glide /w/ from the following rhyme groups, consistent with the treatment of the level and entering tones.[34][35]
- ^ This class is further subdivided in the rime tables between divisions I and IV, but finals of the two subtypes have identical distributions in the Qieyun.[46]
- ^ The rhyme tables describe a later stage in which labiodental fricatives were also distinguished.[50]
- ^ It is not clear whether these had an alveolar or dental articulation. They are mostly alveolar in modern Chinese varieties.[51]
- ^ Karlgren reconstructed these as palatal stops, but most scholars now believe they were retroflex stops.[52]
- ^ The [ʐ] initial occurs in only two words 俟 and 漦 in the Qieyun, and is merged with [dʐ] in the Guangyun. It is omitted in many reconstructions, and has no standard Chinese name.[53]
- ^ The retroflex and palatal sibilants were treated as a single series in the rime tables. Chen Li was the first to realize (in 1842) that they were distinguished in the Qieyun.[54]
- ^ a b The initials
禪 and船 are reversed from their positions in the rime tables, which are believed to have confused them.[55] - ^ a b In the rime tables, the palatal allophone of [ɣ] (
云 ) is combined with [j] (以) as a single laryngeal initial 喻. However in the Qieyun system [j] patterns with the palatals.[56] - ^ The point of articulation of the fricatives is not clear, and varies between the modern varieties.[57]
- ^ For translations of the Qieyun preface, see Baxter (1992), pp. 35–36 and Ramsey (1989), pp. 116–117.
References
editFootnotes
edit- ^ Branner (2006), p. 2.
- ^ Ramsey (1989), p. 117.
- ^ Coblin (2003), p. 379.
- ^ Creamer (1991), p. 2603.
- ^ Ting (1996), p. 146.
- ^ Chang (1974), p. 70.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 35–37.
- ^ a b Norman (1988), pp. 24–25.
- ^ Norman (1988), p. 24.
- ^ a b Chang (1974), p. 74, Chart 2.
- ^ a b c Baxter (1992), p. 39.
- ^ a b Baxter (1992), pp. 38–39.
- ^ a b Takata (2004).
- ^ Malmqvist (2010), pp. 299–300.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 33–34.
- ^ Norman (1988), p. 27.
- ^ a b c Chang (1974), pp. 74–75.
- ^ Ramsey (1989), p. 119.
- ^ Baxter (1992), p. 33.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 35–40.
- ^ Norman (1988), pp. 26–28.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 34–35.
- ^ Pulleyblank (1984), pp. 139–141.
- ^ a b Pulleyblank (1984), pp. 140–141.
- ^ Karlgren (1915–1926), pp. 140–202, 625–626.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 63–81.
- ^ Baxter & Sagart (2014), p. 17.
- ^ a b Baxter (1992), p. 821.
- ^ a b Pulleyblank (1984), p. 140.
- ^ Baxter & Sagart (2014), p. 18.
- ^ Baxter & Sagart (2014), p. 19.
- ^ Pulleyblank (1984), p. 221.
- ^ Pulleyblank (1984), p. 141.
- ^ Chang (1974), p. 75.
- ^ Pulleyblank (1984), pp. 135–136, 141.
- ^ Baxter (1992), p. 38.
- ^ Norman (1988), pp. 28–34, 40.
- ^ Baxter & Sagart (2014), p. 10.
- ^ Norman (1988), p. 28.
- ^ Pulleyblank (1984), pp. 142–143.
- ^ Malmqvist (1994), pp. 19–20.
- ^ Pulleyblank (1984), p. 142.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 59–60.
- ^ Pulleyblank (1984), p. 78.
- ^ Branner (2006), pp. 24–25, 33.
- ^ Branner (2000), p. 52.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 75–80.
- ^ Norman (1988), pp. 24, 34–39.
- ^ a b Baxter (1992), pp. 45–59.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 46–49.
- ^ Baxter (1992), p. 49.
- ^ Baxter (1992), p. 50.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 56–57, 206.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 54–55.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 52–54.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 55–56, 59.
- ^ Baxter (1992), p. 58.
- ^ Norman (1988), pp. 36–39.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 61–63, 70–71.
- ^ Norman (1988), pp. 24–27.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 38–40.
- ^ Pulleyblank (1984), pp. 135–136.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 35–38.
- ^ Pulleyblank (1998), pp. 203–204.
- ^ Baxter (1992), pp. 37–38.
- ^ Pulleyblank (1984), p. 139.
- ^ a b Branner (1999), p. 87.
- ^ Yong & Peng (2008), p. 324.
- ^ Branner (1999), p. 92.
- ^ Branner (1999), pp. 106–107.
- ^ Creamer (1991), p. 2609.
- ^ Yong & Peng (2008), p. 226.
- ^ Yong & Peng (2008), pp. 324, 332–333.
- ^ Norman (1988), pp. 49–50.
- ^ Yong & Peng (2008), p. 252.
- ^ Yong & Peng (2008), p. 272.
- ^ Li (1993), p. 30.
- ^ Li (1993), pp. 30–34.
- ^ Jacques (2016).
Works cited
edit- Baxter, William H. (1992), A Handbook of Old Chinese Phonology, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, ISBN 978-3-11-012324-1.
- Baxter, William H.; Sagart, Laurent (2014), Old Chinese: A New Reconstruction, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-994537-5.
- Branner, David Prager (1999), "A Neutral Transcription System for Teaching Medieval Chinese" (PDF), T'ang Studies, 1999 (17): 1–170, doi:10.1179/073750399787912490, S2CID 162283740.
- ——— (2000), "The rime-table system of formal Chinese phonology", in Auroux, Sylvain; Koerner, Konrad; Niederehe, Hans-Josef; Versteegh, Kees (eds.), Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaften — History of the Language Sciences — Histoire des sciences du language — an International Handbook on the Evolution of the Study of Language from the Beginnings to the Present, Berlin: De Gruyter, pp. 46–55, ISBN 978-3-11-011103-3.
- ——— (2006), "What are rime tables and what do they mean?", in Branner, David Prager (ed.), The Chinese Rime Tables: Linguistic Philosophy and Historical-Comparative Phonology, Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science, Series IV: Current Issues in Linguistic Theory, vol. 271, Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 1–34, ISBN 978-90-272-4785-8.
- Chang, Kun (1974), "Ancient Chinese phonology and the Ch'ieh-yün" (PDF), Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies, 10 (2): 61–82.
- Coblin, W. South (2003), "The Chiehyunn system and the current state of Chinese historical phonology", Journal of the American Oriental Society, 123 (2): 377–383, doi:10.2307/3217690, JSTOR 3217690.
- Creamer, Thomas B.I. (1991), "Chinese lexicography", in Hausmann, Franz Josef (ed.), Wörterbücher: ein internationales Handbuch zur Lexikographie, vol. 3, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, pp. 2595–2611, ISBN 978-3-11-012421-7.
- Jacques, Guillaume (2016), "Traditional Chinese Phonology", in Sybesma, Rint; Behr, Wolfgang; Bu, Yueguo; Handel, Zev; Huang, James (eds.), Encyclopedia of Chinese Languages and Linguistics, BRILL, ISBN 978-90-04-18643-9.
- Karlgren, Bernhard (1915–1926), Études sur la phonologie chinoise, Leyden: E.-J. Brill, OCLC 35211742.
- Li, Zhuqing (1993), A study of the "Qī Lín Bāyīn" (PhD thesis), University of Washington, OCLC 38703889.
- Malmqvist, Göran (1994), "Chinese Linguistics", in Lepschy, Giulio C.; Morpurgo Davies, Anna (eds.), History of linguistics, vol. 3, Longman, pp. 1–24, ISBN 978-0-582-09488-8.
- ——— (2010), Bernhard Karlgren: Portrait of a Scholar, Rowman & Littlefield, ISBN 978-1-61146-001-8.
- Norman, Jerry (1988), Chinese, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-29653-3.
- Pulleyblank, Edwin G. (1984), Middle Chinese: a study in historical phonology, Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, ISBN 978-0-7748-0192-8.
- ——— (1998), "Qieyun and Yunjing: the essential foundation for Chinese historical linguistics", Journal of the American Oriental Society, 118 (2): 200–216, doi:10.2307/605891, JSTOR 605891.
- Ramsey, S. Robert (1989), The Languages of China, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, ISBN 978-0-691-01468-5.
- Takata, Tokio (2004), "The Chinese Language in Turfan with a special focus on the Qieyun fragments" (PDF), in Durkin, Desmond (ed.), Turfan revisited: the first century of research into the arts and cultures of the Silk Road, Reimer, pp. 333–340, ISBN 978-3-496-02763-8.
- Ting, Pang-Hsin (1996), "Tonal evolution and tonal reconstruction in Chinese", in Huang, Cheng-Teh James; Li, Yen-Hui Audrey (eds.), New Horizons in Chinese Linguistics, Kluwer, pp. 141–159, ISBN 978-0-7923-3867-3.
- Yong, Heming; Peng, Jing (2008), Chinese lexicography: a history from 1046 BC to AD 1911, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-156167-2.
Further reading
edit- Ji, Yue (2021), "From Qièyùn to Guǎngyùn: An overview of the Qièyùn Series rime books", Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics, 14 (1): 57–73, doi:10.1163/2405478X-01401003.
External links
editScanned books
edit- At the Internet Archive:
- Chóngxiū Guǎngyùn
- Yuánběn Guǎngyùn
- Jiyun
- Qièyùn kǎo, by Chen Li (1842).
- Huìjí yǎ tōng shíwǔ yīn ("Compilation of the fifteen elegant and vulgar sounds"), the oldest known rhyme dictionary of a Zhangzhou dialect.
- At the Chinese Text Project:
- Songben Guangyun, with dictionary lookup
- Jiyun
- Qièyùn kǎo
- Sì shēng yùnpǔ, by Liáng Sēngbǎo
梁 僧 寳 (1859) – tabulation of Guangyun entries by tone, initial and final.
- Jiyun at Hathi Trust Digital Library
- Songben Guangyun in electronic form
- Yonh Tenx Myangx
韻 典 網 (Rhyme Dictionary Website) includes scans of the Songben Guangyun, Zhongyuan Yinyun and other dictionaries, as well as data detived from them.
Other languages
edit- Sea of Characters, a Tangut rhyme dictionary:
- electronic version (under construction), by Andrew West.
- "Untangling the Web of Characters", by Andrew West, April 2010.
- Notes on Tangut fanqie, by Marc Miyake, June 2011.
- fragments held by the British Library: Or.12380/2484, Or.12380/3907, Or.12380/3908