Guifang
Guifang (Chinese:
Overview
[edit]Chinese annals contain a number of references to the Guifang. Earliest sources mentioning the Guifang are the Oracle Bones.[7][8][9] Extant oracle bones record no military action between Shang and Guifang, yet Guifang have been interpreted as hostile towards Shang[10][7] or not hostile.[9][a]
The Bamboo Annals, interred with King Xiang of Wei (died 296 BC) and re-discovered nearly six centuries later in 281 AD (Western Jin dynasty) in the Jizhong discovery, state that:
- In the thirty-second year of Shang King Wu Ding (fl. 1200s BCE), he attacked the Guifang, and stationed at Jing (荊);[b] and in the thirty-fourth year, after a campaign of three years, the King's armies subdued the Guifang, and the Di and Qiang came as guests.[12] Wu Ding's conquests against the Guifang are also mentioned in the Yi Jing "Book of Changes".[13][14][15]
The oracle bones indicate that, following Wu Ding's conquest, the Guifang became Shang's subjects and even assisted the Shang against other polities, e.g. the Qiang. Gui officials even managed to achieve high statuses in the Shang court; for examples, a Gui official, Geng, was ordered to perform the gang sacrifice
- In the thirty-fifth year of the Shang King Wu Yi (i.e. 1119 BCE), Zhou leader Jili attacked the Gǔiróng (Chinese:
鬼 戎 ) in Xiluo (西 落) and captured twenty Dí kings.[16][3] Historians believe that the Guirong were identical to the Guifang.[17]
Up to the time of Shang king Di Xin (lit. 'Thearch Xin'),[c] Gui chiefs had been long-enfeoffed vassals of Shang and even participated in the Shang royal government.[7] In Stratagem of the Warring States, Lu Zhonglian (魯仲
Among the succeeding Zhou dynasty's bronze inscriptions, the Xiao Yu Ding (
No events involving the Guifang are reported after 650 BCE, which is also the last mention of the Northern Rong (
The Guifang do not seem to have seriously challenged Chinese rule, they did not invade China, and on the contrary were the victims of Chinese expeditions. They may only have been an early people which was conquered by the Western Zhou, and ultimately disappeared from history.[28]
Interpretations
[edit]As a result of phonetical studies and comparisons based on the inscriptions on bronze and the structure of the characters, Wang Guowei came to the conclusion that the tribal names in the annalistic sources Guifang, Xunyu, Xianyu, Xianyun, Rong, Di,[g] and Hu designated one and the same people, who later entered history under the name Xiongnu.[31][32][33]
Likewise, using Sima Qian's Records of the Grand Historian and other sources, Vsevolod Taskin proposes that in the earlier pre-historic period (i.e. the time of the legendary Yellow Emperor) the Xiongnu were called Hunyu; and in the late pre-historic period (i.e. the time of the legendary Emperor Yao and Emperor Shun) they were called Rong; in the literate period starting with the Shang dynasty (1600–1046 BC) they were called Guifang, in the Zhou period (1045–256 BC) they were called Xianyun, and starting from the Qin period (221–206 BC) the Chinese annalists called them Xiongnu.[34][35][36]
Even so, Paul R. Goldin (2011) reconstructs the Old Chinese pronunciations of 葷粥 ~ 獯鬻 ~ 獯鬻 ~
Other fang-countries
[edit]The Shang state had a system of writing attested to by bronze inscriptions and oracle bones, which record Shang troops fighting frequent wars with neighboring nomadic herdsmen from the inner Asian steppes. In his oracular divinations, a Shang king repeatedly showed concern about the fang (
Seima-Turbino culture as "Guifang"
[edit]The Guifang may also correspond to the Seima-Turbino culture of the Altai Mountains.[38] Several of the Shang dynasty artifacts of the Yin Ruins and from the tomb of Fu Hao (died c. 1200 BCE), excavated in Shang capital of Anyang, are similar to Seima-Turbino culture artifacts, such as socketed spearheads with a single side hook, jade figurines and knives with deer-headed pommel.[38] These Late Shang artifacts, visibly derived from the Seima-Turbino culture to the north, were made precisely at the same time the Shang reported intense protracted conflicts with the northern tribes of the "Guifang". This would suggest that the Guifang were the Altaic Seima-Turbino culture itself, and that their century-long conflict with the Shang led to the transfer of various object and manufacturing techniques.[38][42]
Particularly, the introduction of the socketed spearheads with a single side hook seems to date back to the period of the Taosi culture, when the earliest and most faithful Seima-Turbino types start to appear in China, circa 2100-2000 BCE.[38] These early artifacts suggest that Chinese bronze metallurgy initially derived from the cultures of the Eurasian steppes.[43] Soon however, China was able to appropriate this technology and refine it, particularly through its mastery of bronze casting, to create a highly sophisticated and massive bronze industry.[43]
Northern tribes in the Late Shang period
[edit]The nomadic leaders depicted in Deer stones in Mongolia, dated to 1400-700 BCE, leading large-scale organized nomadic groups, may have affected the late Shang and early Zhou dynasties of China to their south.[44]
They were equipped with weapons and instruments of war, such as daggers, shafted axes, or curved rein holders for their horses. They may not have ridden on horseback, but they are documented to have possessed horse-drawn charriots, with two or four horses, as shown in the drawings on Deer Stones and multiple finds of horse skeletons with heavy wear.[45] These powerful nomadic leaders, leading large-scale organized nomadic groups capable of building monumental decorated stone tombs, may have being part of the nomadic challenge to the early Chinese dynasties.[44] They may also be connected to the rise of the horse chariot during the Shang dynasty.[45]
Siwa culture (1300–600 BCE)
[edit]The Siwa culture culture is sometimes proposed as being connected to the northern tribes which challenged the Shang and Zhou dynasties, but questions are raised against this theory because the Siwa sites are small with low subsistence levels, whereas the northern tribes, particularly the Xianyun, seem to have been more advanced, using bronze weapons and chariots.[46] According to Feng Li, the archaeological remains of the Siwa culture suggest that they could not have sustained an advanced society capable of rivalizing with contemporary Chinese armies.[46] The debate remains open.[47]
Epigraphy
[edit]Comments about the conflicts against the Guifang appear in bronze inscriptions of the Western Zhou.
Name | Artifact | Inscription | Translation |
---|---|---|---|
Xiaoyu ding 979 BCE (King Kang)[48] |
Lost in the Taiping Rebellion (19th century) The Xiaoyu ding was probably similar to the Da Yu ding made two years before, in 981 BCE:
|
"It was the eighth month, after the full moon, the day was on jiashen [day 21]; in the morning dusk, the three officials of the left and the three officials of the right and the many rulers entered to serve the wine. When it became light the king approached the Zhou temple and performed the guo-libation rite. The king's state guests attended. The state guests offered their travel garments and faced east."
[49][50]
"Yu with many flags with suspended Guifang...entered the Southern Gate, and reported saying: 'The king commanded Yu to take... to attack the Guifang and shackle chiefs and take trophies. [I] shackled two chiefs, took 482 trophies, captured 13,081 men, captured...horses, captured 30 chariots, captured 355 oxen and 38 sheep.'" "The king called out to...to command Yu with his trophies to enter the gate and present them in the Western Passageway... [He] entered and performed a burnt offering in the Zhou temple,... [He] entered the Third Gate, assumed a position in the central court, facing north. Yu reported..." "The guests assumed position. [He] served the guests. The king called out: 'Serve!' Yu in their...presented guests... At mid-morning, three Zhou...entered to serve wine. The king entered the temple. The invocator...the state guests grandly toasted...used a victim in ancestral sacrifice to the king of Zhou [i.e. King Wen], to King [Wu] and to King Cheng...divination cracks have pattern. The king toasted. Toast followed toast: the king and the state guests. The king called out to...to command Yu with the booty to enter. All of the booty was registered." |
Notes
[edit]- ^ Anderson (2015) interprets oracle bone inscriptions wherein the Shang divined about whether disasters would happen to Guifang Tang (
鬼 方 昜) (either a Guifang person named Tang or the polities named Guifang and Tang) as possible proofs for the viewpoint that Guifang were not hostile; even so, Anderson admits that " the context is too limited and incomplete for this to serve as solid evidence".[9] Yu (2000) interprets the same inscriptions as the Shang's wish that disasters would happen to the Guifang & other hostile polities.[7] - ^ Identified as either Jing Canyon (
井 經 ) north of Taihang Mountains and near Heng Mountains, "about 500 km from Wu Ding’s capital at Anyang" or in the same location as the polity Jingfang (井 方 ) and the Ji-surnamed Xing state (邢國) "on the Huabei華北 Plain near present-day Xingtai 邢臺 in the southern part of Hebei province, only 125 km north of Anyang"[11] - ^ who was posthumously derided as 紂王 King Zhòu
- ^ aka King Wen of Zhōu (
周 文 王 ) - ^ The Bamboo Annals' "current text" version (
今本 ) also mentions Marquis of Jiu instead of Marquis of Gui.[24] - ^ Yuanhe Maps and Records of Prefectures and Counties also mentions that "Marquis of Xing had been [one of] King Zhòu's Three Ducal Ministers; because he'd loyally admonished [King Zhòu] he was executed",[26]
- ^ Specifically, Wang connected the
鬼 方 Guifang with the leaders of the Red Di (赤 狄, Chidi) who were surnamed 隗 ~ 媿 Kuí,[29] a connection also later noticed by Sinologist Ulrich Theobald.[30]
References
[edit]Citations
[edit]- ^ "灵台
白 草 坡西 周 墓 葬 里 的 青 铜王国 ". www.kaogu.net.cn. The Institute of Archaeology (CASS Chinese Academy of Social Sciences). Archived from the original on 2019-09-16. Retrieved 2023-11-06.There is research on the ethnic image of the northern nomadic people of the Altaic language family. It may be that this is the image of the Xianyun tribe that once posed a serious military threat to the northern border of the Zhou Dynasty. They were called "Ghost people" (Guifang) because they looked different from the Chinese.
有 考 证系阿 尔泰语系的 北方 游 牧 民族 人 种形象 。可能 是 曾经对周朝 北方 边境构成严重军事威 胁的猃狁部族 ,因 相貌 异于华夏,被 称 作 "鬼 方 "。 - ^ Creel, Herrlee G. (1970). The Origins of Statecraft in China. The University of Chicago Press. p. 232.
- ^ a b Old Text Bamboo Annals. "Wu Yi" quote: "
三 十 五 年 ,周 王 季 伐 西 落鬼 戎 ,俘二 十 翟王 。" - ^ Book of Jin "Vol. 97, section Northern Di" quote: "
匈奴 之 類 ,總 謂 之 北狄 。……夏 曰:薰 鬻,殷 曰鬼 方 ,周 曰獫狁,漢 曰匈奴 。" - ^ Taskin V.S., "Materials on history of nomadic tribes in China 3rd-5th cc", Issue 3 "Mujuns", "Science", Moscow, 1992, p.10, ISBN 5-02-016746-0
- ^ Loewe M. and Shaughnessy E.L., eds., The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 B.C., New York, Cambridge, 1999, ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8, p. 269.
- ^ a b c d e f Yu Taishan. (2000). "A Hypothesis about the Source of the Sai Tribes" in Sino-Platonic Papers 106. Ed. Victor Mair. p. 106-109
- ^ Khayutina, Maria. (2016). "The Tombs of the Rulers of Peng and Relationships between Zhou and Northern Non-Zhou Lineages (Until the Early Ninth Century B.C.)" in Shaughnessy, Edward L. (ed.) Imprints of Kinship: Studies of Recently Discovered Bronze Inscriptions from Ancient China Publisher: Chinese University of Hong Kong Press. pp. 71-132. p. 26 of pdf
- ^ a b c Anderson, Matthew Mccutchen. (2015). "Change and Standardization in Anyang: Writing and Culture in Bronze Age China". Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 1589. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1589 p. 106
- ^ Shima Kunio
島 邦男 , Yinxu buci yanjiu殷 墟卜辞 研究 , tr. Pu Maozuo 濮茅左 and Gu Weiliang 顧偉良 (Shanghai: Shanghai Guji chubanshe, 2006), pp. 802-04; Wang Yuzhe, “Guifang kao buzheng”鬼 方 考 補正 , in Wang Yuzhe, Gu shi jilin, pp. 309-17. cited in Khayutina (2016) p. 26 - ^ Khayutina (2016) p. 26-27
- ^ Current Text Bamboo Annals "Wu Ding" quote: "
三 十 二 年 ,伐 鬼 方 。次 于荊。三 十 四 年 ,王師 克 鬼 方 。氐、羗來賓 。" - ^ Creel (1970), p. 232.
- ^ Yijing "䷾
既濟 - Ji Ji" quote: "高 宗 伐 鬼 方 ,三 年 克之 " James Legge's translation: "[Gao Zong], who attacked the Demon region, but was three years in subduing it." - ^ Theobald, U. (2011) "Wu Ding
武 丁 " ChinaKnowledge.de - An Encyclopaedia on Chinese History, Literature and Art quote: "Wu Ding was a great warrior and was able to defeat the Guifang鬼 方 (or Gongfang [𢀛]方 ) in the north [...] Wu Ding's dynastic temple name is Gaozong高 宗 ." - ^ Current Text Bamboo Annals "Wu Yi" quote: "
三 十 五 年 ,周 公 季 歷 伐 西 落鬼 戎 。" - ^ Nicola Di Cosmo, The Northern Frontier in Pre-Imperial China//The Cambridge History of Ancient China, p. 919
- ^ a b "Shang knife British Museum". www.britishmuseum.org.
In subsequent centuries such knives were more popular with peoples of the northern zone than with the Shang and Zhou inhabitants of Shaanxi and Henan. It is, therefore, possible that even in the Erlitou period such knives illustrate contact with northern peoples. Alternatively, the spread of Erligang culture may have taken such knives from central Henan to the periphery.
- ^ So, Jenny F.; Bunker, Emma C. (1995). Traders and raiders on China's northern frontier: 19 November 1995 - 2 September 1996, Arthur M. Sackler Gallery (PDF). Seattle: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Inst. [u.a.] pp. 35–36. ISBN 978-0295974736.
Enough northern bronze knives, tools, and fittings have been recovered from royal burials at the Shang capital of Anyang to suggest that people of northern heritage mingled with the Chinese in their capital city. These artifacts must have entered Shang domain through trade, war, intermarriage, or other circumstances.
- ^ Linduff, Katheryn M.; Sun, Yan; Cao, Wei; Liu, Yuanqing (2017). Ancient China and its Eurasian Neighbors: Artifacts, Identity and Death in the Frontier, 3000–700 BCE. Chapter Three - Identity and Artifacts on the North Central and Northeastern Frontier during the Period of State Expansion in the Late Second and the Early First Millennium BCE. Cambridge University Press. pp. 89–91. doi:10.1017/9781108290555.004.
Parallels with bronze-using cultures further to the north and west in eastern and central Eurasia. (...) Frontier-style bronze weapons and tools dominated the findings from caches at Chaodaogou and Xiaohe'nan. They include straight-bladed bronze daggers, curve-bladed knives with animal head terminals or mushroom-shaped jingle pommels and socketed yue axes. (...) The eyes of the animals are often highlighted with turquoise. Hilts on these knives and daggers were bordered with diagonal or parallel striations, a northern decorative tradition. (...) Knives with animal pommels were likely inspired by daggers with such terminals, while jingle-headed knives have been argued to have originated on the Inner Asia Frontier. (...) In general, bronze weapons and tools found in the Yan mountainous region show stylistic analogies to those found in the Jin-Shaan Plateau west of the Taihang Mountains, in the Transbaikal in Buryatia and in Karasuk sites in the Minusinsk Basin (c. 1500–800 BCE). (...) A very recent study proposed that trade between the Shang and Zhou in the Central Plain and bronze cultures in north central Mongolia brought artifacts to the Chinese northern frontier
- ^ Rawson, Jessica (2015). "Steppe Weapons in Ancient China and the Role of Hand-to-hand Combat".
故 宮 學術 季刊 (The National Palace Museum Research Quarterly). 33 (1): 38–39.We can immediately recognise the engagement of the Shang with their neighbours by looking at the nearly two hundred weapons buried with Fu Hao, who, as consort of the powerful Shang king, Wu Ding (c. 1200 BC), is mentioned in oracle bone inscriptions as a leader in battle. In her tomb were large axes (fig. 1a), derived from the shapes of ancient jade examples, standard spearheads and dagger-axes, ge, for an accompanying fighting force, and knives (fig. 1b) similar to those used in the steppe.
- ^ Zhanguo Ce "Stratagems of Zhao 3 - Qin besieged Zhao's Handan" quote: "
昔 者 ,鬼 侯 之 鄂侯、文 王 ,紂之三 公也 。鬼 侯 有子 而好,故 入 之 於紂,紂以為 惡 ,醢 鬼 侯 。鄂侯爭 之 急 ,辯 之 疾 ,故 脯鄂侯 。" - ^ Shiji, "Annals of Yin" quote: "
以西 伯 昌 、九 侯 、鄂侯為 三 公 。九 侯 有 好 女 ,入 之 紂。九侯女不喜淫,紂怒,殺 之 ,而醢九 侯 。鄂侯爭 之 彊 ,辨 之 疾 ,并脯鄂侯。" - ^ Current Text Bamboo Annals "Di Xin" quote: "
元年 己 亥 ,王 即位 ,居 殷 。命 九 侯 、周 侯 、邘侯。" translation: "[Thearch Xin's] first year was Jihai; when the king was just enthroned, he dwelt at Yin; he commanded the Marquis of Jiu, Marquis of Zhou, and Marquis of Yu [scribal error for Xing (邢/刑 )?]." - ^ Taiping Yulan, Sovereigns and Kings - Part 8" quote: "
以西 伯 昌 、鬼 侯 、邢侯為 三 公 。鬼 侯 有 好 女 ,入 之 紂。鬼 侯 女 不 僖淫,紂殺之 ,而醢鬼 侯 。刑 侯 爭 之 ,并脯之 。" - ^ Yuanhe junxian tuzhi "vol. 19" Zhejiang University Library's version p. 24 of 124 quote: "
侯 為 紂三公以忠諫被誅" - ^ a b Cosmo, Nicola Di (2008). Northern Frontier in Pre-Imperial China (Cambridge History of Ancient China). Cambridge University Press, 2008. p. 919.
- ^ Cosmo, Nicola Di (2008). Northern Frontier in Pre-Imperial China (Cambridge History of Ancient China). Cambridge University Press, 2008. p. 919.
In general the Guifang do not seem to have posed any serious threat to the Zhou frontier and must have been either conquered by the Zhou at an early stage or dissolved politically, since their name soon disappears from the patchy sources at our disposal.
- ^ Wang Guowei
王國 維, “Guifang Kun Yi Xianyun kao”鬼 方 昆 夷 獫狁考 , in Peng Lin 彭林 ed. Guantang jilin觀堂 集 林 , (1923; rpt. Shijiazhuang: Hebei Jiaoyu chubanshe, 2001), pp. 296-307, esp. p. 300. cited in Khayutina (2016). p. 26 - ^ Theobald, U. (2012) Di 狄 ChinaKnowledge.de - An Encyclopaedia on Chinese History, Literature and Art
- ^ Taskin V.S., "Materials on history of nomadic tribes in China 3rd-5th cc", Issue 3 "Mujuns", p. 10
- ^ Wang Guowei, "Guantang Jilin" (
觀堂 集 林 , Wang Guowei collection of works), Ch.2, Ch. 13 - ^ Taskin V.S., 1968, "Materials on history of Sünnu", "Science", Moscow, p.10
- ^ Sima Qian, Shiji, Ch. 1, l. 4b; Ch. 110, l. 1a, notes
- ^ in Taskin V.S., "Materials on history of Sünnu", p.10
- ^ Classic of Poetry "Major Hymns - Decade of Dang - Dang" quote: "
文 王 曰咨、咨女殷 商 。……內奰于中國 、覃及鬼 方 。" Legge's translation: "King Wen said, 'Alas! Alas! you [sovereign of] Yin-shang, [...] Indignation is rife against you here in the Middle kingdom, and extends to the demon regions." - ^ Goldin, Paul R. "Steppe Nomads as a Philosophical Problem in Classical China" in Mapping Mongolia: Situating Mongolia in the World from Geologic Time to the Present. Penn Museum International Research Conferences, vol. 2. Ed. Paula L.W. Sabloff. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania. 2011. p. 225-226; p. 237, n.22
- ^ a b c d e f Lin, Meicun (2016). "Seima-Turbino Culture and the Proto-Silk Road". Chinese Cultural Relics. 3 (1–002): 256–257. ISSN 2330-5169.
The report on the archaeological excavation of the Yin (Shang) ruins published in 2011 shows a Seima-Turbino style bronze socketed spearhead with a single side hook. (...) It is worth noting that a jade figurine (Figure 15:5) that resembles a Seima-Turbino-style bronze figurine (Figure 15:3) and a knife with deer-head pommel (Figure 15:6) were unearthed from the tomb of Fu Hao at the Yin ruins. A similar knife with deer-head pommel is also in the collection of the Baoji Museum of Bronze Collections (Figure 12:4). These discoveries and collected artifacts reveal the cultural transmission between ancient inhabitants of the Yellow River region and nomads of the Eurasian Steppe.(...) The Illustrious Ancestor [King Gaozong of Yin] disciplines the Devil's Country. After three years he conquers it." (...) Seima-Turbino-style artifacts unearthed at the Yin ruins, including the bronze socketed spearhead with a single side hook, the jade figurine and the knife with deer-head pommel, indicate that the "Devil's Country" refers to the far-away Altai Mountains.
- ^ Anderson, Matthew Mccutchen. (2015). "Change and Standardization in Anyang: Writing and Culture in Bronze Age China". Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 1589. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1589 pp. 94-95
- ^ Sun, Yan (June 2006). "Colonizing China's Northern Frontier: Yan and Her Neighbors During the Early Western Zhou Period". International Journal of Historical Archaeology. 10 (2): 159–177(19). doi:10.1007/s10761-006-0005-3.
- ^ Shaughnessy, Edward L. (1988). "Historical Perspectives on The Introduction of The Chariot Into China". Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies. 48 (1): 189–237. doi:10.2307/2719276. JSTOR 2719276.
- ^ Meicun, Lin; Liu, Xiang (October 2017). "The origins of metallurgy in China". Antiquity. 91 (359): e6. doi:10.15184/aqy.2017.177. ISSN 0003-598X.
- ^ a b Lin, Meicun (2016). "Seima-Turbino Culture and the Proto-Silk Road". Chinese Cultural Relics. 3 (1–002): 256–257. ISSN 2330-5169.
The discovery of the Seima-Turbino culture in China is of great importance, as it demonstrates with material evidence that Chinese metallurgy derives from the cultures of the Eurasian Steppe.
- ^ a b c Rawson, Jessica (2015). "Steppe Weapons in Ancient China and the Role of Hand-to-hand Combat".
故 宮 學術 季刊 (The National Palace Museum Research Quarterly). 33 (1): 59–60.We can look first at Mongolia to explain this shift, for a new development, the creation of large stone monuments, khirigsuurs (fig. 19) and deer stones (fig. 20), marks significant on-going changes in steppe societies. These impressive structures are widespread across western and central Mongolia, dating from 1400-700 BC. It would have taken a large labour force to create the mounds of stones that make up khirigsuurs, which seem to have been both burial and ceremonial sites for central figures of the many small groups of Mongolian mobile pastoralist societies. (...) In some tombs are horse fittings, such as bits. Parts of hundreds of horses might be interred over time around a major khirigsuur. (...) Deer stones tell the same story (fig 20). Although the majority are stylised, a few of these tall, originally standing, stones have a human head carved on one side at the rounded top, sometimes with temple rings shown on two of the other three sides, perhaps representing a powerful individual, or the more general concept of powerful leaders. (...) Then comes a horizontal belt and from this hang weapons, especially knives or daggers, and shafted axes, with curved rein holders below. A shield is often shown higher up. Not only do these deer stones represent people, they memorialise the achievements of warriors with their personal weapons. (...) These developments had probably had an impact on the peoples in the arc who had then interacted with the late Shang and early Zhou states.
- ^ a b c Taylor, William T. T.; Cao, Jinping; Fan, Wenquan; Ma, Xiaolin; Hou, Yanfeng; Wang, Juan; Li, Yue; Zhang, Chengrui; Miton, Helena; Chechushkov, Igor; Bayarsaikhan, Jamsranjav; Cook, Robert; Jones, Emily L.; Mijiddorj, Enkhbayar; Odbaatar, Tserendorj; Bayandelger, Chinbold; Morrison, Barbara; Miller, Bryan (December 2021). "Understanding early horse transport in eastern Eurasia through analysis of equine dentition". Antiquity. 95 (384): 3. doi:10.15184/aqy.2021.146. ISSN 0003-598X.
- ^ a b Feng, Li (2006). Landscape and Power in Early China: The Crisis and Fall of the Western Zhou 1045–771 BC. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 187. ISBN 978-1-139-45688-3.
- ^ Shelach, Gideon (2008). "Review of Landscape and Power in Early China: The Crisis and Fall of the Western Zhou 1045-771 BC". The Journal of Asian Studies. 67 (1): 281–284. doi:10.1017/S0021911808000259. ISSN 0021-9118. JSTOR 20203333.
Li argues that the Xianyun cannot be identified with the archaeological remains of the Siwa culture because all the sites that are associated with this archaeological culture are small and simple, whereas the activities of the Xianyun suggest a much more complex society (p. 187). While this observation makes sense, it may have more to do with the problematic definition of the archaeological "culture" rather than with Xianyun society. Pushing the location of the Xianyun further north and identifying them with a vaguely defined "Northern Zone" tradition (p. 188) certainly does not advance our under standing of the Xianyun society.
- ^ Minford, John (2009). "The Triumph: A Heritage of Sorts". CHINA HERITAGE QUARTERLY China Heritage Project, China Heritage Quarterly. The Australian National University. 19.
- ^ Edward Shaughnessy, in Loewe and Shaughnessy, eds., Cambridge History of Ancient China, 1999, p.320ff, in Minford, John (2009). "The Triumph: A Heritage of Sorts". CHINA HERITAGE QUARTERLY China Heritage Project, China Heritage Quarterly. The Australian National University. 19.
- ^ See another translation at Eno, Robert (2012). "INSCRIPTIONAL RECORDS OF THE WESTERN ZHOU" (PDF): 25–26.
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Sources
[edit]- Wang, Zhonghan (2004). Outlines of Ethnic Groups in China. Taiyuan: Shanxi Education Press. p. 133. ISBN 7-5440-2660-4.
Further reading
[edit]- Fang Shiming & Wang Xiuling (1981).
古本 竹 書 紀年 輯證 (Old Text Bamboo Annals - Collected Proofs) (in Chinese)