King Zhou of Shang
| King Di Xin of Shang | |||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
 King Zhou of Shang illustrated in the Ehon Sangoku Yōfuden (c. 1805) | |||||||||
| King of Shang dynasty | |||||||||
| Reign | 1075–1046 BCE (29 years) | ||||||||
| Predecessor | Di Yi (his father) | ||||||||
| Born | 1105 BCE | ||||||||
| Died | 1046 BCE | ||||||||
| Spouse | Consort Daji Jiuhou Nü | ||||||||
| Issue | Wu Geng | ||||||||
| |||||||||
| Father | Di Yi | ||||||||
King Zhou ([ʈ͡ʂoʊ]; Chinese: 紂王; pinyin: Zhòu Wáng) was the pejorative posthumous name given to Di Xin of Shang (
In later times, the story of King Zhou became a cautionary tale on what could befall a kingdom if its ruler gave into corruption and moral depravity.
Names
[edit]Di Xin is the posthumous name given by the Shang dynasty imperial house. Di Xin was born with the family name Zi, lineage name Yin, and the given name Shou. He was called Shou, King of Shang by the kingdom of Zhou when he was alive. After his death, he was given a derogatory posthumous name, King Zhou of Shang (
Early reign
[edit]In the Records of the Grand Historian, Sima Qian wrote that Di Xin, in the early part of his reign, had abilities which surpassed those of the ordinary man, and was quick-witted and quick-tempered. According to legend, he was intelligent enough to win all of his arguments, and he was strong enough to hunt wild beasts with his bare hands.[8] He was the younger brother of Zi Qi (
Late reign
[edit]A significant amount of information regarding Di Xin's life had been falsified by following dynasties. Thus, many modern-day historians[who?] believe that he was, in fact, reasonable and intelligent, without several of the cruelties attributed to him. The following are accounts of him written in records published in the millennium following his death, during which many misconceptions surrounding him arose.
In his later years, Di Xin gave himself over to drinking, women, and abandoned morals, preferring these to the proper governance of the country, and ignored almost all affairs of state. According to Sima Qian, he even hosted festive orgies, where many people engaged in immoral things at the same time with his concubines and created songs with crude (erotic) lyrics and poor rhythm. In legends, he is depicted as having come under the influence of his wicked wife Daji, and committing all manner of evil and cruel deeds with her.
One of the most famous forms of entertainment Zhou enjoyed was the "Alcohol Pool and Meat Forest". A large pool, big enough for several canoes, was constructed on the Palace grounds, with inner linings of polished oval-shaped stones from the seashores. This allowed for the entire pool to be filled with alcohol. A small island was constructed in the middle of the pool, where trees were planted, which had branches made of roasted meat skewers hanging over the pool. This allowed Zhou and his friends and concubines to drift on canoes in the pool. When they thirsted, they reached down into the pool with their hands and drank the wine. When they hungered, they reached up with their hands to eat the roasted meat. This was considered one of the most famous examples of decadence and corruption of a ruler in Chinese history.[10][better source needed]
According to the Records of the Grand Historian, in order to please Daji, he created the "Punishment of burning flesh with a hot iron (炮格
Zhou and Daji were known to get highly aroused after watching such torture. Victims ranged from ordinary people and prisoners to high government officials, such as Mei Bo.[11]
In order to fund Zhou's heavy daily expenses, heavy taxes were implemented. The people suffered greatly, and lost all hope for the Shang dynasty. Zhou's brother Wei Zi tried to persuade him to change, but was rebuked. His uncle Bi Gan similarly remonstrated with him, but Di Xin had his heart ripped out so he could see what the heart of a sage looked like. When his other uncle Ji Zi heard this, he went to remonstrate with the kingly nephew and, feigning madness, was imprisoned.
Fall
[edit]When the Zhou dynasty's army, led by Jiang Ziya, defeated the Shang dynasty at the Battle of Muye in 1046 BC, Di Xin gathered all his treasures around himself in the Palace, and then set fire to his palace and committed suicide. After his death, Di Xin's head was cut off and displayed on a white-flag pole by Ji Fa. Of Di Xin's favorite consorts, Da Ji was executed and two more committed suicide, and their heads, likewise, were displayed on either small white flag poles or red flag poles.[12][13][14][15][16]
The name Zhòu (紂; crupper) actually appeared after the death of King Zhou, a posthumous name. This name was meant to convey a negative value judgement, and his reign accumulated stories of increasingly egregious corruption. Centuries after his death, he had acquired the reputation of almost a paradigmatic wicked ruler.[17]
Mentions in literature and legend
[edit]Zhou is mentioned in the Confucian Analects (19 "
In Fengshen Yanyi, Zhou visited the Goddess Nüwa's temple and offended the Goddess with his lustful comments towards her beauty. In response, Nüwa decided that the Shang dynasty should end and sent her three subordinates to become three beautiful women (including Daji) to bewitch Zhou. Under the influence of these women, Zhou becomes a ruthless king, losing the support of people and triggering his downfall. Until now, nobody knows most of his lifestyle from the reduced amount of artifacts found regarding to him.
In the novel, King Zhou has a wife named Queen Jiang, while Daji served as an imperial concubine. King Zhou had two sons, Yin Hong and Yin Jiao, with Queen Jiang. The character of Queen Jiang in the novel was based on the real historical figure and consort of King Zhou, Jiuhou Nü. Jiuhou Nü was the daughter of the leader of the Guifang, Jiuhou, and was presented to King Zhou through a political alliance.[20][21]
According to the Fengshen Yanyi, Jiang Ziya recognized that King Zhou was a well-versed and well-trained individual who became an incapable ruler only because of having fallen victim to seduction. After his death, Jiang Ziya deified King Zhou as the Tianxi Xing (
Archaeology and historiography
[edit]Archaeologists believed that Tomb 1567 at the Yinxu site was constructed for King Zhou, but he was not buried there due to his suicide in Battle of Muye.[22]
Following the downfall of the Shang dynasty, Di Xin and Jie of Xia (the last king of the Xia dynasty) were recorded as tyrants in most historical records by historians of later dynasties. However, some ancient historians and modern historians have cast doubts on this narrative due to archeological evidence contradicting historical records or inconsistencies found between older and later records.
In the most common narrative, Di Xin killed his uncle Bi Gan by ripping his heart out. The Xia–Shang–Zhou Chronology Project and other studies have pointed out inconsistencies. Bi Gan's death due to remonstration is only recorded in the Spring and Autumn period, while the account of his heart being removed by Di Xin appeared much later in the fables of the Warring States period, indicating the extra details were likely added to reinforce Di Xin's tyrannical image.[23][24]
Di Xin is also known for his Alcohol Pool and Meat Forest at Deer Terrace Pavilion, used as evidence for historians of later dynasties to condemn the decadence and corruption of Di Xin. However, modern archaeological evidence at Deer Terrace Pavilion found a pool at the base of the structure purely for water storage and sanitation.[citation needed] The narrative of "Pool of Wine" was questioned as early as in the Han dynasty. Scholar Wang Chong, in his work Lunheng, suggested the accounts of "wine pools and meat forests" were unreliable.[25] During the Southern Song dynasty, scholar Luo Mi wrote in the Lushi also considered the allegations against Di Xin to be largely unreliable and exaggerated after reviewing various documents.[26]
With the continuous research on the Shang and Zhou dynasties, backed by the excavation of oracle bones, bronzeware, and other archaeological materials, the modern academic community increasingly questioned the tyrannical portrayal of Di Xin. The depiction of Di Xin during the Western Zhou period, though negative, did not contain substantive brutality. The earliest record written in the Zhou dynasty, Book of Documents, lists only six accusations against Di Xin, including listening to women, appointing fugitives to government/military positions, not performing proper rituals, excessive drinking, and believing in his destiny being in the heavens (Mandate of Heaven). The Da Yu ding during King Kang of Zhou period recorded that the primary reason for the downfall of the Shang dynasty was the Di Xin's excessive drinking. The descriptions in later dynasties become more bloodthirsty and brutal, with increased details, even though the events took place in the distant past.[27][28][29][30][31][excessive citations]
In excavation sites of the late Shang dynasty, grave goods made of metal and wood became more common while sacrificial goods for rituals were reduced, signifying a trend toward simpler burials. Prior to Di Xin's rule, King Zu Jia of the Shang dynasty simplified and formulated the imperial rituals, increasing the use of grain and dance during rituals in place of human and animal sacrifice. There were barely any instances of human and animal sacrifices towards the end of the Shang dynasty when Di Xin reigns. After the Shang dynasty, the Zhou dynasty stopped simplifying the ritual procedures and instead increased the frequency of human sacrifices, a custom that continued to persist for several hundred years in the succeeding Zhou dynasty and its vassal states. The simplified rituals of Di Xin and the late Shang dynasty can be considered a progressive cultural change, while in the perspective of the later Zhou dynasty, it was disrespectful to the ancestors.[30][31][32][33][34][35][36][37][38][39][40][41][42][43][excessive citations]
Women held many official positions during the Shang dynasty, such as jobs responsible for managing rituals, advising military affairs, managing court and guests, and they were highly respected by the Shang state, which was observed by numerous scholars like Chen Xi, Zhang Maorong, Wang Qiwei, Wang Hui, Wang Ruiying, Du Fangqin, He Min, Geng Chao, Xie Naihe.[44][45][46] According to scholarly analysis, the overall status of women in the Shang dynasty was significantly higher than that of the following Zhou dynasty. During Zhou, women were increasingly excluded from military and political matters while the state emphasized domestic roles for them like silk production and weaving. The appointment of women in power during the Shang dynasty indicated a more progressive and gender-equal culture, while the Zhou state, following Confucian rituals, was more conservative.[30][47][48][49][50][51][52][53][54][55][56][excessive citations]
Appointing fugitives to government positions was another justification for Zhou to overthrow Shang. This was intentionally done by Di Xin, who used this method to suppress the clans who held too much power in court. Di Xin believed in meritocracy and employed fugitives from other countries.[50][57][58] Drinking was part of the Shang culture; thus, Di Xin's drinking problem wasn't uncommon during that period.[31][59]
The concept of the Mandate of Heaven is a subject of considerable debate. Some scholars, like Chao Fulin, argue that the Shang dynasty did not possess the later concept of the 'Mandate of Heaven', which dictates the rise and fall of dynasties. In the 'Book of Shang,' the term 'Mandate of Heaven' actually refers to 'the command of the ancestors' (the spiritual power of the ancestors in heaven to bless or abandon one's life).[60][61][62]
Gu Xiagang and other Doubting Antiquity School historians noted the further into later periods, the more detailed and numerous the accusations of Di Xin became. During the Spring and Autumn period, intellectuals from various schools of thought traveled around China to present their political ideologies. In their allegorical stories, Di Xin, the deceased ruler of the fallen former dynasty, was portrayed as a negative exemplar to propagate the notion of 'evil deserves retribution.' Compared to the original documents from the Western Zhou period, they ascribed numerous new accusations to King Zhou, such as the story of Alcohol Pool and Meat Forest and "Punishment of burning flesh with a hot iron (炮格
Notes
[edit]- ^ Book of Documents, "Book of Zhou - Speech at Mu". quote: 「
今 商 王 受惟婦 言 是 用 。昏棄厥肆祀弗 答 ，昏棄厥遺王 父母 弟 不 迪 。乃惟四方 之 多罪 逋逃，是 崇 是長 ，是 信 是 使 ，是 以為大夫 卿 士 ，俾暴虐 于百姓 ，以奸宄于商 邑。」Kern (2017)'s translation: "Now for Shou, the king of Shang, it is indeed the words of his wife that he follows. He blindly discards the sacrifices he should present and fails to respond [to the blessings he has received from the spirits]. He blindly discards his paternal and maternal uncles who are still alive and fails to employ them. Thus, indeed, the vagabonds of the four quarters, loaded with crimes—these he honors, these he exalts, these he trusts, these he enlists, these he takes as high officials and dignitaries, to let them oppress and tyrannize the people and bring villainy and treachery upon the City of Shang." - ^ Kern, Martin (2017) "Chapter 8: The "Harangues" (Shi
誓 ) in the Shangshu" in Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents). Series: Studies in the History of Chinese Texts, Volume 8. Eds Ker, Martin & Dirk, Meyer. p. 298 of pp. 281-319 - ^ Lü Buwei. "
仲冬 紀 —當 務 " [Winter's Middle Month Almanac | On being appropriate to the circumstances]. Lüshi Chunqiu.受德乃紂也
- ^ Wu, 220.
- ^ U+7D02
- ^ 曹国庆主编 (1992). Wang guo jun zhu
亡国 君主 .西安 ：三 秦 出版 社 . p. 10. ISBN 7-80546-410-3. - ^ 复旦
大学 出土 文献 与 古 文字 研究 中心 编；刘钊主 编 (2018).出土 文献 与 古 文字 研究 第 7辑.上海 ：上海 古 籍 出版 社 . p. 207. ISBN 978-7-5325-8775-9. - ^ Wu, 220–221, referencing Sima Qian's Yin Benji chapter (
史 记 ·辛 本 纪). - ^ Lüshi Chunqiu (吕氏
春秋 ·仲冬 纪第十 一 ) - ^ Sima, Qian. Records of the Grand Historian.
- ^ See, for example, Qu Yuan, Tian Wen (
天 问). "梅 伯 受醢". - ^ Yi Zhou Shu "Shifu"
- ^ Yegor Grebnev, (2018). "The Record of King Wu of Zhou's Royal Deeds in the Yi Zhou Shu in Light of Near Eastern Royal Inscriptions," Journal of the American Oriental Society 138.1, p. 73-104.
- ^ Shiji "Annals of Yin"
- ^ Shiji "Annals of Zhou"
- ^ Liu Xiang, Biographies of Exemplary Women "Depraved Favorites - Da Ji (consort) of Zhou of Yin"
- ^ Pines, Yuri (2008). "To Rebel is Justified? The Image of Zhouxin and the Legitimacy of Rebellion in the Chinese Political Tradition". Oriens Extremus. 47. Harrassowitz Verlag: 1–24. JSTOR 24048044.
- ^ "The Analects : Zi Zhang - Chinese Text Project". ctext.org (in Chinese (Taiwan)). Retrieved 2021-05-22.
- ^ "Three Character Classic - Chinese Text Project".
- ^
周 貽白小 说戲曲 論集 (in Chinese). 齐鲁书社. 1986. - ^
封 神 榜故事 探 原 (in Chinese).偉 興 印 務 所 印 . 1960. - ^ 规模
宏大 的 安 阳殷墟商代 王 陵 (图). Archived from the original on 2018-10-03. Retrieved 2015-12-08. - ^ 《
楚 辞 ·天 问》：“比 干 何 逆 ，而抑沉之。”，《楚 辞 》，中 华书局 出版 社 ，2019年 . - ^
湖南 衛視 -商 纣王的 历史真面目 . Archived from the original on 2015-09-24. Retrieved 2015-08-23. - ^
王 充 《论衡·语增》:令 池 在 深 室 之 中 ，则三 千人宜临池坐，前 俛饮池 酒 ，仰 食 肴 膳 ，倡乐在 前 ，乃为乐耳。如审临池而坐，则前饮害于肴膳 ，倡乐之 作 不 得 在 前 。夫 饮食既 不 以礼，临池牛 饮，则其啖肴不 复用杯 ，亦 宜 就鱼肉 而虎食 。则知夫 酒 池 牛 饮非其实也。 - ^ （
南 宋 ）罗泌《路 史 》，北京 图书馆出版 社 ，2003年 - ^
徐 明 波 , 彭裕商 .殷 墟黄组卜辞 断 代 研究 [J].中国 史 研究 , 2007(2):13. - ^
江 雨 德 《国之 大事 ：商 代 晚期 中 的 礼 制 改良 》，唐 际根主 编《殷 墟与商 文化 (殷 墟科学 发掘80周年 纪念文集 )》，科学 出版 社 ，2011年 11月 - ^ 郜向
平 .商 墓 中 的 毁器习俗与 明器 化 现象[J].考古 与 文物 , 2010(1):8. - ^ a b c 许莉莉.
清 华简所 见商末 周 初 史 事 初 探 [D].烟 台 大学 . - ^ a b c
李 娜.帝 辛 行 为再审视[J]. 沧州师范学院 学 报, 2015(03):62-66. - ^
黄 展 岳 《中国 古代 的 人 牲人殉问题》，《考古 》1987年 02期 - ^
黄 展 岳 《中国 古代 的 人 牲人殉新资料概 述 》，《考古 》1996年 12期 - ^ 张诒
三 . 《论语》"先 进于礼 乐"章 索 解 [J]. 齐鲁学 刊 , 2019(4):9. - ^
王 志 友 .商 周 时期的 腰 坑 葬 俗 [J]. 华中科技 大学 学 报：社会 科学 版 , 2006, 20(6):6. - ^ 曾宝栋, 杨杨.
浅 谈商周 时期墓 葬 中腰 坑 的 功 能 和 意 义[J].殷 都 学 刊 , 2017, 38(3):6. - ^ 刘源.
周 承 殷 制 的 新 证据及其启示[J]. 历史研究 , 2016(2):16. - ^ 曹斌.
恭 懿之际西周 国家 的 转型[J].中国 人民 大学 学 报, 2017(3). - ^
胡 剑. 从《左 传》看 春秋 人 殉制度 的 演 变[J].昭 通学 院 学 报, 2018, 40(4):4. - ^ 翟胜
利 .西 周 金文 与 献 俘礼[J].文物 春秋 , 2010(6):4. - ^ 孙庆伟.
祭祀 还是盟 誓 :北 赵和羊 舌 晋 侯 墓地 祭祀 坑 性 质新论[J].中国 国家 博物 馆馆刊 , 2012(5):15. - ^ 邹芙
都 ,余 霞 .西 周 黎 国 政治 军事地位 及姻亲关系 初 探 [J].史学 集 刊 , 2017(3):10. - ^
晋 国 ： 综述——山西 倗伯霸伯墓 与河 南 淅川楚 墓 新 解 系列 . Sohu. Archived from the original on 2022-02-22. Retrieved 2022-01-12. - ^ 《
禮 記 》曲 禮 下 ：「天子 有 后 ，有夫 人 ，有 世 婦 ，有 嬪，有 妾 。天子 建 天 官 ，先 六 大 ，曰：大 宰 ，大宗 ，大 史 ，大祝 ，大 士 ，大 卜 ，典 司 六 典 。」鄭 玄 注 ：「此蓋殷 時制 也。」孔 穎達疏：「此一節總論立男官女官之事。……記者 之 言 ，不可 一 依 周 禮 ，或 可 雜 夏 殷 而言之 。」 - ^ 《
周 礼 ·天 官 ·冢宰》：「世 婦 ：掌 祭祀 、賓客 、喪 紀之 事 ，帥 女 宮 而濯摡，為 粢 盛 。及祭之 日 ，蒞陳女 宮 之 具 ，凡內羞之物 。掌 吊 臨于卿 大夫 之 喪 。」 - ^ 《
禮 記 》曲 禮 下 ：「國 君 不 名 卿 老 、世 婦 ，大夫 不 名 世 臣 、姪 娣，士 不 名家 相 、長 妾 。」 - ^ 陈曦. 从甲
骨 文 ,铜器铭文看 商 周 时期女性 的 地位 [J].中国 文化 研究 ,2007(2):150-154. - ^ 张懋镕.
商 周 之 际女性 地位 的 变迁——商 周 文化 比 较研究 之 二 [J].西部 考古 , 2007(1):21. - ^
王 奇 伟. 从"牝 鸡之晨"现象看 商 代 妇女的 社会 地位 [J].殷 都 学 刊 , 2000(3):5. - ^ a b
王 晖《商 周 文化 比 较研究 》 - ^
王 瑞 英 . 从甲骨 文 金文 看 商 周 妇女地位 的 变化及原因 [J].求 索 , 2008(6):3. - ^ 杨宝
成 《殷 墟文化 研究 》 - ^
杜 芳 琴 .商 周 性 别制度 与 贵族妇女地位 之 比 较[J].山西 师大学 报：社会 科学 版 , 1998(4):7. - ^
何 敏 .商 周 贵族妇女地位 变迁初 探 [D].四川 大学 ,2003. - ^ 耿超.
性 别视角 下 的 商 周 婚姻 ,家族 与 政治 [D].南 开大学 , 2010. - ^ 谢乃
和 . 试论商 周 时期贵族妇女地位 的 两次转型[J].北方 论丛, 2008(1):5. - ^
常 金 仓. "夷 夏 之 辨 "与 "以德怀远"说[J]. 陕西师范大学 学 报：哲学 社会 科学 版 ,1997(1):6. - ^
吉家 友 .国人 与野 人界 限 的 消失 [J].信 阳师范学院 学 报：哲学 社会 科学 版 ,2015, 35(5):5. - ^
王 奇 伟. 从"人 惟 求 旧 "到 "殷 不用 旧 "——对商代 王 权与族 权关系 的 考察 [J].徐 州 师范大学 学 报：哲学 社会 科学 版 , 2001, 27(4):4. - ^
晁 福 林 《论殷代 神 权》，《中国 社会 科学 》1990年 第 1期 - ^
晁 福 林 《先 秦 社会 最高 权力的 变迁及其影 响因素 》,《中国 社会 科学 》2015年 第 2期 - ^
晁 福 林 《说商代 的 “天 ”和 “帝 ”》,《史学 集 刊 》2016年 第 3期 - ^ 马卫东. 《
容 成氏 》"文 王 服 九 邦 "考 辨 ——兼 论《容 成氏 》的 主体 思想 及其学派 归属[J].史学 集 刊 , 2012(1):8.
References
[edit]- Wu, K. C. (1982). The Chinese Heritage. New York: Crown Publishers. ISBN 0-517-54475-X.
- Sima Qian; Sima Tan (1959) [90s BCE]. "3:
殷 本紀 ". Shiji史記 [Records of the Grand Historian]. Zhonghua Shuju. - Sima Qian; Sima Tan (1959) [90s BCE]. "4:
周 本紀 ". Shiji史記 [Records of the Grand Historian]. Zhonghua Shuju.
Further reading
[edit]- "Zhou | ruler of the Shang dynasty". Encyclopædia Britannica. Chicago: Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. 31 March 2016. Retrieved 21 October 2022.