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Jin Chinese - Wikipedia

Jin Chinese

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Jin (simplified Chinese: すすむ; traditional Chinese: すすむ; pinyin: Jìnyǔ) is a group of Chinese linguistic varieties spoken by roughly 48 million people in northern China,[1] including most of Shanxi province, much of central Inner Mongolia, and adjoining areas in Hebei, Henan, and Shaanxi provinces. The status of Jin is disputed among linguists; some prefer to include it within Mandarin, but others set it apart as a closely related but separate sister group.

Jin
すすむ / すすむ
すすむ方言ほうげん / すすむ方言ほうげん
Jinyu written in Chinese characters (vertically, traditional Chinese on the left, simplified Chinese on the right)
Native toChina
Regionmost of Shanxi province; central Inner Mongolia; parts of Hebei, Henan, Shaanxi
Native speakers
48 million (2021)[1]
Language codes
ISO 639-3cjy
Glottologjiny1235
Linguasphere79-AAA-c
Chinese name
Traditional Chineseすすむ
Simplified Chineseすすむ
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinJìnyǔ
Bopomofoㄐㄧㄣˋ ㄩˇ
Wade–GilesChin4-yü3
IPA[tɕîn.ỳ]
Yue: Cantonese
Yale RomanizationJeun yúh
JyutpingZeon3 jyu5
IPA[tsɵn˧ jy˩˧]
Alternative Chinese name
Traditional Chinese山西さんせいはなし
Simplified Chinese山西さんせい
Literal meaningShanxi speech
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinShānxīhuà
Bopomofoㄕㄢ ㄒㄧ ㄏㄨㄚˋ
Wade–GilesShan1-hsi1-hua4
IPA[ʂán.ɕí.xwâ]
Yue: Cantonese
Yale RomanizationSāan sāi wá
JyutpingSaan1 sai1 waa2
IPA[san˥.sɐj˥.wa˧˥]
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Classification

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After the concept of Mandarin Chinese was proposed, the Jin dialects were universally included within it, mainly because Chinese linguists paid little attention to these dialects at the time. In order to promote Standard Mandarin in the early days of People's Republic of China, linguists started to research various dialects in Shanxi, comparing these dialects with Standard Mandarin for helping the locals to learn it more quickly. During this period, a few linguists discovered some unique features of Jin Chinese that do not exist in other northern Mandarin dialects, planting the seeds for the future independence of Jin Chinese. Finally, in 1985, Li Rong proposed that Jin should be considered a separate top-level dialect group, similar to Yue or Wu. His main criterion was that Jin dialects had preserved the entering tone as a separate category, still marked with a glottal stop as in the Wu dialects, but distinct in this respect from most other Mandarin dialects. Some linguists have adopted this classification. However, others disagree that Jin should be considered a separate dialect group for these reasons:[2][3]

  1. Use of the entering tone as a diagnostic feature is inconsistent with the way that all other Chinese dialect groups have been delineated based on the reflexes of the Middle Chinese voiced initials.
  2. Certain other Mandarin dialects also preserve the glottal stop, especially the Jianghuai dialects, and so far, no linguist has claimed that these dialects should also be split from Mandarin.

Dialects

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The Language Atlas of China divides Jin into the following eight groups:[4]

 
The main dialect areas of Jin in China.
  • Bingzhou group [zh] (Chinese: 并州へん), spoken in central Shanxi (the ancient Bing Province), including Taiyuan. Most dialects under this group can distinguish the light entering tone from the dark one, with only 1 level tone. In many dialects, especially those to the south of Taiyuan, the voiced obstruents from Middle Chinese become tenuis in all 4 tones, namely [b] → [p], [d] → [t] and [g] → [k].
  • Lüliang group [zh] (Chinese: りょはりへん), spoken in western Shanxi (including Lüliang) and northern Shaanxi. Dialects under this group can differentiate light entering tone from dark entering tone. In most dialects, the voiced obstruents from Middle Chinese become aspirated in both level and entering tones, namely [b] → [pʰ], [d] → [tʰ] and [g] → [kʰ].
  • Shangdang group [zh] (simplified Chinese: うえとうへん; traditional Chinese: うえとうへん), spoken in the area of Changzhi (ancient Shangdang) in southeastern Shanxi. Dialects under this group can differentiate light entering tone from dark entering tone. The palatalization of velar consonants does not occur in some dialects.
  • Wutai group [zh] (simplified Chinese: だいへん; traditional Chinese: だいへん), spoken in parts of northern Shanxi (including Wutai County) and central Inner Mongolia. A few Dialects under this group can differentiate light entering tone from dark entering tone, while the others cannot. The fusion of the level tone and the rising one occurred in some dialects, though some linguists claim every dialect under this group has this feature.[5]
  • Da-Bao group [zh] (Chinese: だいつつみへん), spoken in parts of northern Shanxi and central Inner Mongolia, including Baotou.
  • Zhangjiakou–Hohhot group (simplified Chinese: 张呼へん; traditional Chinese: ちょうよびへん), spoken in Zhangjiakou in northwestern Hebei and parts of central Inner Mongolia, including Hohhot.
  • Han-Xin group [zh] (Chinese: 邯新へん), spoken in southeastern Shanxi, southern Hebei (including Handan) and northern Henan (including Xinxiang).
  • Zhi-Yan group (Chinese: こころざしのべへん), spoken in Zhidan County and Yanchuan County in northern Shaanxi.

The Taiyuan dialect from the Bingzhou group is sometimes taken as a convenient representative of Jin because many studies of this dialect are available, but most linguists agree that the Taiyuan vocabulary is heavily influenced by Mandarin, making it unrepresentative of Jin.[6] The Lüliang group is usually regarded as the "core" of the Jin language group as it preserves most archaic features of Jin. However, there is no consensus as to which dialect among the Lüliang group is the representative dialect.

Phonology

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Unlike most varieties of Mandarin, Jin has preserved a final glottal stop, which is the remnant of a final stop consonant (/p/, /t/ or /k/). This is in common with the Early Mandarin of the Yuan dynasty (c. 14th century AD) and with a number of modern southern varieties of Chinese. In Middle Chinese, syllables closed with a stop consonant had no tone. However, Chinese linguists prefer to categorize such syllables as belonging to a separate tone class, traditionally called the "entering tone". Syllables closed with a glottal stop in Jin are still toneless, or alternatively, Jin can be said to still maintain the entering tone. In standard Mandarin Chinese, syllables formerly ending with a glottal stop have been reassigned to one of the other tone classes in a seemingly random fashion.

Initials

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Consonants of the Taiyuan dialect[7]
Labial Alveolar Alveolo-
palatal
Velar
Stop voiceless p t k
aspirated
Affricate voiceless ts
aspirated tsʰ tɕʰ
Fricative voiceless f s ɕ x
voiced v z ɣ
Nasal m n ŋ
Approximant l
  • [ŋ] is mainly used in finals.
Consonants of the Fenyang dialect[8]
Labial Alveolar Alveolo-
palatal
Retroflex Velar
Stop voiceless p t k
aspirated
Affricate voiceless ts
aspirated tsʰ tɕʰ tʂʰ
Fricative voiceless f s ɕ ʂ x
voiced v z ʐ
prenasal nᵈz
Nasal m n ɲ ɳ ŋ
Approximant l
  • The nasal consonant sounds may vary between nasal sounds [m, n, ɲ, ɳ, ŋ] or prenasalised stop sounds [ᵐb, ⁿd, ᶯɖʐ, ᶮdʲ, ᵑɡ].
  • A prenasalised affricated fricative sound /nᵈz/, is also present.

Finals

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Vowels of the Taiyuan dialect[7][9]
Oral Nasal Check
Medial coda a e i u ŋ æ̃ ɛ̃ ə a
Nucleus ei ɒŋ æ̃ ɒ̃ ɐʔ əʔ
Vowel i ia ie iɛ̃ iɒ̃ iəʔ iaʔ
y ye yɛ̃ yəʔ
a ai au
əu əŋ
ɤ
u ua uæ̃ uɒ̃ uəʔ uaʔ
Triphthong iəu uai uei iau iəŋ
yəŋ
uəŋ
Syllabic ɹ̩ əɹ̩
Vowels of the Fenyang dialect[8][10]
Oral Nasal Check
Medial lab. coda a i u ŋ ã a ə
Nucleus ɑu ã ə̃ əʔ
Vowel i ia iu ĩ ieʔ iaʔ
y ya yeʔ yaʔ
ei eu
a ai
iə̃
ɔ
o ou
ɤu
ɯ
u ua ui ueʔ uaʔ uəʔ
Triphthong iai uai uei iɑu
iou uoŋ
Syllabic ɹ̩ ɹ̩ʷ əɹ̩
  • The diphthong /ɤu/ may also be realized as a monophthong close central vowel [ʉ].
  • Sounds ending in the sequence /-aʔ/ may also be heard as [-ɛʔ], then realized as [ɛʔ, iɛʔ, yɛʔ, uɛʔ].
  • /y/ can also be heard as a labio-palatal approximant [ɥ] when preceding initial consonants.
  • /i/ when occurring after alveolar sounds /ts, tsʰ, s/ can be heard as an alveolar syllabic [ɹ̩], and is heard as a retroflex syllabic [ɻ̩] when occurring after retroflex consonants /tʂ, tʂʰ, ʂ, ʐ/.

Tones

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Jin employs extremely complex tone sandhi, or tone changes that occur when words are put together into phrases. The tone sandhi of Jin is notable in two ways among Chinese varieties:

  • Tone sandhi rules depend on the grammatical structure of the words being put together. Hence, an adjective–noun compound may go through different sets of changes compared to a verb–object compound.[11]
  • There are Jin varieties in which the "dark level" tone category (yīnpíng 阴平) and "light level" (yángpíng 阳平) tone have merged in isolation but can still be distinguished in tone sandhi contexts. That is, while e.g. Standard Mandarin has a tonal distinction between Tone 1 and Tone 2, corresponding words in Jin Chinese may have the same tone when pronounced separately. However, these words can still be distinguished in connected speech. For example, in Pingyao Jin, dark level tou 偷 'secretly' and ting 听 'to listen' on the one hand, and light level tao もも 'peach' and hong 红 'red' on the other hand, all have the same rising tone [˩˧] when pronounced in isolation. Yet, when these words are combined into touting 偷听 'eavesdropping' and taohong もも红 'peach red', the tonal distinction emerges. In touting, tou has a falling tone [˧˩] and ting has a high-rising tone [˧˥], whereas both syllables in taohong still have the same low-rising tone [˩˧] as in isolation.[12]
  • According to Guo (1989)[13] and also noted by Sagart (1999), the departing (qusheng 去声きょしょう) tone category in the Jin dialect of Xiaoyi is characterized by -ʰ and a high falling tone [˥˧]. Xiaoyi also lacks a voicing split in the level tone.[14] The rising (shangsheng 上声じょうせい) tone in Xiaoyi is also "characterized by a glottal break in the middle of the syllable [˧˩ʔ˩˨]".[15]

Grammar

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Jin readily employs prefixes such as /kəʔ/, くろ /xəʔ/, ゆるがせ /xuəʔ/, and いれ(日)にち /ʐəʔ/, in a variety of derivational constructions. For example:
いれおに "fool around" < おに "ghost, devil"

In addition, there are a number of words in Jin that evolved, evidently, by splitting a mono-syllabic word into two, adding an 'l' in between (cf. Ubbi Dubbi, but with /l/ instead of /b/). For example:

/pəʔ ləŋ/ < /pəŋ/ "hop"
/tʰəʔ luɤ/ < /tʰuɤ/ "drag"
/kuəʔ la/ < /kua/ "scrape"
/xəʔ lɒ̃/ < ちまた /xɒ̃/ "street"

A similar process can in fact be found in most Mandarin dialects (e.g. くつ窿 kulong < あな kong), but it is especially common in Jin.

This may be a kind of reservation for double-initials in Old Chinese, although this is still controversial. For example, the character あな (pronounced /kʰoːŋ/ in Mandarin) which appears more often as くつ窿 /kʰuəʔ luŋ/ in Jin, had the pronunciation like /kʰloːŋ/ in Old Chinese.[citation needed]

Some dialects of Jin make a three-way distinction in demonstratives. (Modern English, for example, has only a two-way distinction between "this" and "that", with "yon" being archaic.)[citation needed]

Vocabulary

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Lexical diversity in Jin Chinese is obvious, with some words having a very distinct regionality. Usually, there are more unique words in the core dialects than in the non-core dialects and moreover, some cannot be represented in Chinese characters.

References

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Citations

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  1. ^ a b Jin at Ethnologue (26th ed., 2023)  
  2. ^ Yan 2006, pp. 60–61, 67–69.
  3. ^ Kurpaska 2010, pp. 74–75.
  4. ^ Kurpaska 2010, p. 68.
  5. ^ Fan, Huiqin 范慧きん (2015). "Jìn yǔ wǔ tái piàn yīn píng hé shàng shēng de fèn hé jí qí yǎn biàn" すすむ语五台片阴平和上声的分合及其演变 [The separation and combination of level and rising tones in Wutai dialects of Jin Chinese and their evolution]. 语文研究けんきゅう (3): 28–32. 文章ぶんしょう认为すすむ语五台片阴平和上声的分合有忻州型和宁武型两个类型,不同ふどう类型以及不同ふどう方言ほうげんてんてききょう时差异反映はんえい两个ごえ调的历时えんじ变过ほど渐进しきてき合流ごうりゅうごえ调晚えんじ变的结果,调值相近すけちか合流ごうりゅうてき直接ちょくせつ动因。。
  6. ^ Qiao, Quansheng 乔全せい. "Jìn fāngyán yánjiū de lìshǐ, xiànzhuàng yǔ wèilái" すすむ方言ほうげん研究けんきゅうてき历史、现状あずか未来みらい [The History, Current State and Future of the Research on Jin Chinese] (PDF). p. 10. ふとげん方言ほうげんてき词汇与其他方言ほうげん较,结果认为すすむ方言ほうげんてき词汇与かん方言ほうげん非常ひじょう接近せっきん
  7. ^ a b Wen, Duanzheng ゆたかはしせい; Shen, Ming 沈明 (1999). Hou, Jingyi ほう精一せいいち (ed.). Tàiyuánhuà yīndàng ふとげん话音档 [The Sound System of the Taiyuan Dialect] (in Chinese). Shanghai: Shanghai jiaoyu chubanshe. pp. 4–12.
  8. ^ a b "[汾阳方言ほうげん语音教程きょうてい] だい课 - 汾阳话拼おん方案ほうあん ([Fenyang Dialect Phonetics Course] Lesson 5 - Fenyang Dialect Pinyin Scheme)". 2017. Retrieved 2022-04-11.
  9. ^ Xia, Liping; Hu, Fang (2016). Vowels and Diphthongs in the Taiyuan Jin Chinese Dialect. Interspeech 2016. pp. 993–997. doi:10.21437/Interspeech.2016-249.
  10. ^ Juncheng, Zhao (1989). 汾阳话与普通ふつう话简编 [A Compendium of Fenyang and Mandarin]. 山西さんせいしょう汾阳县志办公しつ [Shanxi Province Fenyang County Office]. pp. 1–3.
  11. ^ Chen, Matthew (2000). Tone Sandhi: Patterns across Chinese Dialects. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 93. ISBN 0521033403.
  12. ^ Chen, Matthew (2000). Tone Sandhi: Patterns across Chinese Dialects. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 51. ISBN 0521033403.
  13. ^ Guo, Jianrong かくけん荣 (1989). Xiaoyi fangyan zhi こう方言ほうげんこころざし. Beijing: Yuwen.
  14. ^ Sagart, Laurent (1999). "The origin of Chinese tones". Proceedings of the Symposium/Cross-Linguistic Studies of Tonal Phenomena/Tonogenesis, Typology and Related Topics. Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. Retrieved 2024-06-15.
  15. ^ Sagart, Laurent (2022-11-15). "Audio files of some shangsheng 上声じょうせい words in Xiaoyi こう义 dialect (Shanxi), in the pronunciation of Prof. Guo Jianrong かくけん荣, Oct. 1985". Sino-Tibetan-Austronesian. Hypotheses. doi:10.58079/UKDO. Retrieved 2024-06-15.

Sources

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