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Wang Yan (Jin dynasty) - Wikipedia Jump to content

Wang Yan (Jin dynasty)

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Wang Yan
王おう衍
Minister of Works (司つかさ空そら)
In office
307 (307)–310 (310)
MonarchEmperor Huai of Jin
Minister Over the Masses (司つかさ徒と)
In office
308 (308)–311 (311)
MonarchEmperor Huai of Jin
Personal details
Born256
Died5 May 311
SpouseLady Guo
ChildrenWang Xuan
Wang Jingfeng
Wang Huifeng
Lady Wang
Parent
  • Wang Yi (father)
OccupationPolitician
Courtesy nameYifu (夷えびす甫はじめ)
In this Chinese name, the family name is Wang.

Wang Yan (256 – 5 May 311[1]), courtesy name Yifu, was a Chinese politician. He served as a minister and was one of the pure conversation leaders of the Jin dynasty (266–420). During the reign of Emperor Hui of Jin, Wang Yan grew popular among the court for his mastery in Qingtan and for being a patron of Xuanxue. Wang Yan vacillated between the warring princes during the War of the Eight Princes until he ended up with Sima Yue, who gave him a considerable amount of power in his administration. After Yue died in April 311, Wang Yan led his funeral procession but was ambushed and later executed by the Han-Zhao general, Shi Le at Ningping City (寧やすし平たいら; in modern Zhoukou, Henan). Though a bright scholar, Wang Yan was often associated by traditional historians as one of the root causes for Western Jin's demise due to his influential beliefs.

Early life and career

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Wang Yan was born in Langya commandery as part of the same Wang clan that his cousin Wang Rong, a member of the famous Seven Sages of the Bamboo Groves, came from. When he was 14 years old, he met with his uncle Yang Hu at Luoyang. Yang Hu and others were impressed with the way he spoke but Wang was very arrogant towards his uncle. He became the talk of the town, so much so that the minister Yang Jun wanted to marry him to his daughter. However, Wang Yan was not fond of Yang Jun, so he pretended to go mad to avoid him.[2]

In 273, Emperor Wu of Jin was looking for talents to help safeguard the northern frontiers. Wang Yan loved to discuss military strategies and was particularly enthusiastic in talking about "horizontal and vertical alliances (連れん橫よこ/合ごう縱たて)". For these reasons, he was recommended by Lu Qin (盧の欽) to serve as the Administrator of Liaodong. Wang Yan was not pleased with his given position and refused to take it. It was then when Wang Yan decided to focus less on worldly affairs and dedicate his time on studying "Qingtan" or "Pure talks".[3]

Wang Yan eventually left Luoyang to take up the post of Prefect of Yuanxiang (苑えん鄕, in present-day Hebei and Beijing). After some time, he returned to the capital and served a series of offices, eventually reaching Gentleman-Attendant of the Yellow Gate. By 297, Wang Yan held the office of Prefect of the Masters of Writing, holding a significant amount of power in court at this time. He still regularly discusses Qingtan and further delved himself into Zhengshi era Xuanxue, particularly the teachings of the Cao Wei minister He Yan and his inner circle. He and another devotee, Yue Guang, were regarded as well-respected men and were thus able to spread their beliefs to the other ministers in the government. However, his ideas supposedly had a negative effect on the court, as many of the ministers began neglecting their duties in favour of committing excessive and absurd acts.[4]

War of the Eight Princes

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In 299, Wang Yan became somewhat involved with the imperial family. Empress Jia Nanfeng, the paramount leader of Jin working behind her husband Emperor Hui of Jin, was becoming more cruel day by day. Her brother Jia Mo (賈模) plotted to assassinate her together with Pei Wei and Wang Yan. However, the plot was dropped after Wang Yan decided to pull out.[a] Later, Wang Yan's younger daughter married the Crown Prince, Sima Yu but when Yu was reduced to a commoner and arrested by the Empress, Wang Yan had her divorced and refused to associate with him. His decision to do so backfired in 300 when Jia Nanfeng was overthrown and replaced by Sima Lun as regent. A group of minister submitted a petition accusing him of refusing to help Sima Yu to save his own life, and Wang Yan was barred from the government.[5]

At the advice of his cousin, Wang Dun, Wang Yan sided with Sima Jiong in removing Sima Lun after he usurped the throne in 301 and returned to the government as Intendant of Henan.[6] For the next few years of the War of the Eight Princes, Wang Yan appeared to have kept a neutral stance and was not closely affiliated with any of the warring princes. In 303, when Sima Ai (who became the new emperor's regent in 302) was besieged by Sima Ying's army in Luoyang, a group of ministers sent Wang Yan out to negotiate peace with Ying but ended in failure when Ying refused to accept it.[7] The following year in 304, when Sima Yong removed Sima Ying as Crown Prince, Wang Yan was appointed by Yong as Supervisor of the Left of the Masters of Writing.[8]

Service under Sima Yue's regency

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The Prince of Donghai, Sima Yue, was the last of the so-called Eight Princes to take control of the government in 306. Yue appointed Wang Yan Minister of Works in 307 and later Minister Over the Masses in 308. Although Yue had won the civil war, he must now face the growing threat of Han-Zhao, a Xiongnu state that emerged in northern China during the war in 304. After his appointment, Wang Yan alerted Sima Yue that he should secure two places to run away to if the court were to fall. Wang Yan recommended he appoint his brother, Wang Cheng, as Inspector of Jingzhou and Wang Dun, as Inspector of Qingzhou. This was called the "three rabbit burrows strategy (狡ずる兔うさぎ三さん窟くつ)".[9][b]

In 308, the powerful bandit, Wang Mi, aligned himself with Han-Zhao and began marching towards Luoyang. Mi threw Qingzhou, Xuzhou, Yanzhou and Yuzhou into chaos and had Xuchang's armoury emptied for his soldiers. The court was greatly afraid as Wang Mi defeated the Jin forces at Huanyuan Pass. Sima Yue sent Wang Bin (王おう斌あきら) while the Inspector of Liangzhou, Zhang Gui sent his general Beigong Chun to reinforce the capital. As Wang Mi's army were at the gates of Luoyang, an edict was passed to make Wang Yan the commander. Wang Yan, Wang Bin and Zhang Gui all went out to face Wang Mi with their army. Mi was greatly defeated and withdrew, but Wang Yan sent Wang Bing (王おう秉) to pursue him, dealing him another great defeat.[10]

In 309, Wang Yan was made Grand Commandant to replace the retiring Liu Shi (劉りゅう寔まこと). The next year in 310, Luoyang was suffering from a severe food shortage. Calls to reinforce the capital were met with silence. Many insisted that they move the capital instead to avoid both the famine and Han-Zhao. However, Wang Yan did not think that was possible and sold his carriage and oxen to calm the people down.[11] Later, Wang Yan became Sima Yue's Army Advisor.

Downfall and death

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In 311, tensions between Sima Yue and his powerful general Gou Xi reached its climax. Gou Xi, disgruntled at the fact that Sima Yue was believing in slanders regarding him, cooperated with Emperor Huai and retaliated against Yue. With Han-Zhao growing day by day and now his strongest general turning on him, Yue was undergoing a severe amount of stress, and had Wang Yan to take over the handling of affairs. Yue died shortly after in Xiang county (項こう縣けん; present-day Shenqiu County, Henan) but Wang Yan and the others agreed to keep his death a secret.[12]

Yue's heir, Sima Pi (司馬しば毗), was in Luoyang at the time, so the ministers all decided to elect Wang Yan as the new head for the time being. Wang was reluctant to take the lead and offered it to Sima Fan (司馬しば範はん), but he too refused. In the end, they all decided that they should carry out a funeral for their late prince in Donghai first. However, the Han-Zhao general, Shi Le, knew about their plans and sent his cavalries to ambush them in Ningping City. A great many of Jin officials and soldiers were killed while Wang Yan and the others were captured. The captured prisoners were all brought into Shi Le's camp for questioning regarding Jin's condition.[13]

Shi Le had heard of Wang Yan's talents and was happy when he received him. When Wang Yan met with Shi Le, Wang thoroughly explained to him the causes of Jin's downfall, citing its lack of preparation against the likes of Shi Le as one of it. He downplayed his role in the government and even tried to curry Shi Le's favour by urging him to become emperor. However, Shi Le told him, "You have supported the court ever since you were young; your fame spreads throughout the Four Seas, and you occupy a very important office. How can you speak as though you were some nobody? If you are not the one responsible for wrecking the realm, then who is?"[14]

Shi Le then scheduled the prisoners for execution. Due to his refusal to take responsibility, Shi Le ordered that Wang Yan be executed by pushing a wall to crush him to death rather than by the sword. Before his death, Wang Yan was recorded to have lamented, "Though I am inferior to the ancients, had I not favoured vanity and devoted myself to bettering the state, I would not have suffer today."[15] Later that year, Luoyang would fall to Han-Zhao and Emperor Huai was taken captive during the Disaster of Yongjia.

Appraisals

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During his time, Wang Yan was viewed favourably by many of his contemporaries due to his knowledge of Qingtan and Xuanxue. His family members, Wang Rong, Wang Cheng, Wang Dun, and Wang Dao, had all made positive remarks in regard to him. However, there were those who were skeptical of him in spite of acknowledging his talents. Both Shan Tao and Yang Hu commented that while Wang was indeed intelligent, they feared that Wang might not use his strengths for the better good.

After the Disaster of Yongjia, Wang's reputation soured as many blamed him for being one of the reasons why Western Jin fell. The Jin general, Yu Yi wrote a letter to Yin Hao asking him to quit his life as a hermit and join the government. In it, he brings up Wang Yan who he criticized for neglecting government responsibilities in favour of philosophical discussions and failing to make a positive name for himself, much like what Yin Hao was doing at the time.[16] During his 2nd northern expedition in 356, the Jin commander Huan Wen reportedly said, "For causing the Sacred Lands to fall into the hands of the enemies and lay it in ruins for a hundred years, Wang Yifu and his followers must bear this burden!"[17]

Traditional historians and writers also cast a negative light on Wang Yan. Most of this stems from his association with Qingtan and Xuanxue. The Confucianist scholar, Fan Ning, made a very critical assessment against Wang, denouncing him of distorting the orthodox teachings of Confucius which in turn brought disaster to his dynasty.[18] Some even extended Wang Yan's faults to He Yan and other followers of Neo-Taoism like Wang Rong and Ruan Ji. This hostile sentiment was shared by the Book of Jin and various famous writers from different dynasties such as Wei Yuanzhong,[19] Su Shi,[20] Wang Fuzhi[21] and more.

The Chinese saying "Randomly speaking out orpiment (口中くちじゅう雌めす黃き)"[c] is attributed to him. Wang was prone to making mistakes whenever he spoke as he was always in a carefree and relaxed state of mind. Whenever this happened, he would calmly go back and say what he intended to say. Initially, this idiom simply referred to people who constantly have to repeat what they say to rectify themselves. Gradually, however, it was extended to refer to people who spout nonsense with no proof to back them up.[22]

Note

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  1. ^ This is based on Empress Jia's biography in the Book of Jin. Pei Wei's biography in the same records provides a completely different account, and it was Zhang Hua, not Wang Yan, who participated in the plot.
  2. ^ Sima Yue based himself in Xiang county near Xuchang. The strategy was that if the north were to fall, he can choose to flee to Jingzhou or Qingzhou where the trusted inspector can host him. The plan fell through due to the circumstances that befell the two men, but Wang Cheng and Wang Dun were able to amass so much power in the south because of this. Dun in particular grew so powerful that he became a threat to the Eastern Jin regime until his death in 324.
  3. ^ Orpiment was used as a correction fluid in ancient China. To speak out orpiment is as if to constantly correct oneself when they speak.

References

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  1. ^ wuzi day of the 4th month of the 5th year of the Yong'jia era, per Emperor Huai's biography in Book of Jin. This was less than two weeks after Sima Yue's death, on 23 April. Wang's biography in the same work indicate that he was 56 (by East Asian reckoning) when he died.
  2. ^ (衍字えんじ夷えびす甫はじめ，神かみ情じょう明秀あきひで，風姿ふうし詳しょう雅みやび。總角あげまき嘗造山つくりやま濤，濤嗟歎さたん良久よしひさ，既すんで去さ，目め而送之の曰：「何なに物ぶつ老ろう嫗おうな，生なま甯馨兒じ！然しか誤あやま天下てんか蒼生そうせい者しゃ，未必みひつ非ひ此人也。」父ちち乂，為平ためひら北きた將軍しょうぐん，常つね有ゆう公事こうじ，使つかい行人こうじん列れつ上じょう，不ふ時報じほう。衍年十じゅう四よん，時じ在京ざいきょう師し，造みやつこ僕ぼく射しゃ羊ひつじ祜，申さる陳ひね事ごと狀じょう，辭じ甚清辯べん。祜名德とく貴重きちょう，而衍幼年ようねん無む屈こごめ下之したの色しょく，眾咸異い之これ。楊駿欲よく以女妻つま焉，衍恥之の，遂とげ陽ひ狂きょう自じ免めん。武たけ帝みかど聞其名めい，問もん戎えびす曰：「夷えびす甫はじめ當世とうせい誰だれ比ひ？」戎えびす曰：「未見みけん其比，當とう從したがえ古人こじん中ちゅう求もとめ之これ。」) Book of Jin, Volume 43
  3. ^ (泰やすし始はじめ八はち年ねん，詔みことのり舉奇才きさい可か以安邊べ者しゃ，衍初好このみ論ろん從したがえ橫よこ之の術じゅつ，故こ尚書しょうしょ盧の欽舉為ため遼東りゃおとん太守たいしゅ。不ふ就，於是口こう不ふ論ろん世事せじ，唯ただ雅みやび詠えい玄げん虛きょ而已。) Book of Jin, Volume 43
  4. ^ (初はつ，何なん晏等祖述そじゅつ老おい、莊そう，立論りつろん以爲：「天地てんち萬物ばんぶつ，皆みな以無爲本ためもと。無む也者，開ひらき物ぶつ成なり務つとむ，無む往而不ふ存そん者しゃ也。陰陽いんよう恃以化生かせい，賢者けんじゃ恃以成德しげのり。故こ無む之の爲ため用よう，無む爵而貴き矣！」王おう衍之徒と皆みな愛重あいちょう之の。由よし是ぜ朝廷ちょうてい士し大夫たいふ皆みな以浮誕爲美び，弛たゆ廢はい職業しょくぎょう。裴頠著ちょ《崇たかし有ゆう論ろん》以釋其蔽曰：「夫おっと利欲りよく可か損そん而未可か絕ぜっ有ゆう也，事務じむ可か節ぶし而未可か全ぜん無む也。蓋ぶた有ゆう飾かざり爲ため高談こうだん之の具ぐ者しゃ，深ふか列れつ有形ゆうけい之の累るい，盛もり陳ひね空むなし無む之これ美び。形かたち器き之の累るい有ゆう徵ちょう，空そら無む之の義ぎ難なん檢けん；辯巧べんこう之の文ぶん可か悅えつ，似に象ぞう之の言げん足あし惑；衆しゅ聽眩焉，溺おぼれ其成說せつ。雖頗有ゆう異い此心者しゃ，辭じ不ふ獲え濟ずみ，屈こごめ於所習，〈濟すみ，通つう也。謂いい虛無きょむ習以成なり俗ぞく，崇たかし有ゆう者しゃ辭じ不能ふのう通どおり其意，遂とげ爲所しどころ屈こごめ也。〉因いん謂いい虛無きょむ之の理り誠まこと不可ふか蓋ぶた。〈蓋ぶた，掩也。〉一いち唱百ひゃく和わ，往而不ふ反はん，遂とげ薄うす綜世之の務つとむ，賤功利こうり〈【嚴いむ：「利り」改あらため「烈れつ」。】〉之の用もちい，高こう浮游ふゆう之これ業ぎょう，卑經實み之の賢けん。〈經けい實み，謂いい有ゆう經世けいせい之の實用じつよう者しゃ。〉人情にんじょう所しょ徇，名利みょうり從したがえ之これ，於是文者もんじゃ衍其辭やめ，訥者贊さん其旨。立言りつげん藉於虛無きょむ，謂いい之の玄妙げんみょう；處しょ官かん不ふ親おや所しょ職しょく，謂いい之の雅みやび遠とお；奉たてまつ身み散ち其廉操みさお，謂いい之の曠達；故こ砥とぎ礪之風ふう，彌わたる以陵遲おそ。〈砥とぎ礪，謂いい砥とぎ節ぶし礪行也。〉放ひ者しゃ因いん斯，或ある悖もと吉凶きっきょう之の禮れい，忽ゆるがせ容止ようし之の表ひょう，瀆長幼ちょうよう之の序じょ，混こん貴き賤之級きゅう，甚者至いたり於裸裎褻慢，無む所しょ不ふ至いたり，〈裸はだか裎，露ろ體たい也。裸はだか，郎ろう果はて翻こぼし。裎，馳はせ成なり翻こぼし。〉士行しこう又また虧矣。夫おっと萬物ばんぶつ之の有形ゆうけい者しゃ，雖生於無，然しか生なま以有爲ゆうい已やめ分ぶん，〈物もの之の未生みしょう，則のり有無うむ未ひつじ分ぶん，旣すんで生せい而有，則のり與あずか無爲むい已やめ分ぶん矣。〉則のり無む是ぜ有ゆう之これ所しょ遺のこ者しゃ也。〈遺のこ，棄也。〉故こ養やしなえ旣すんで化か之の有ゆう，非ひ無用むよう之これ所しょ能のう全ぜん也；治ち旣すんで有ゆう之の衆しゅう，非ひ無爲むい之これ所しょ能のう脩おさむ也。〈治ち，直之なおゆき翻こぼし。〉心こころ非ひ事こと也，而制事ごと必由於心，然しか不可ふか謂いい心こころ爲ため無む也；匠たくみ非ひ器うつわ也，而制器き必須ひっす於匠，然しか不可ふか謂いい匠たくみ非ひ有ゆう也。是ぜ以欲收おさむ重じゅう淵ふち之の鱗うろこ，非ひ偃息之これ所しょ能のう獲え也；〈重じゅう，直ちょく龍りゅう翻こぼし。〉隕高墉之禽，非ひ靜せい拱之所しょ能のう捷とし也。由よし此而觀かん，濟すみ有ゆう者しゃ皆みな有ゆう也，虛無きょむ奚益於已有ゆう之の羣生哉！」然しか習俗しゅうぞく已やめ成なり，頠論亦また不能ふのう救すくい也。) Zizhi Tongjian, Volume 82
  5. ^ (後こう曆れき北きた軍ぐん中ちゅう候こう、中ちゅう領りょう軍ぐん、尚書しょうしょ令れい。女おんな為ため湣懷太子たいし妃ひ，太子たいし為ため賈后所しょ誣，衍懼禍か，自じ表ひょう離婚りこん。賈后既すんで廢はい，有司ゆうし奏そう衍，曰：「衍與司し徒と梁はり王おう肜書，寫うつし呈てい皇太子こうたいし手しゅ與あずか妃ひ及衍書しょ，陳ひね見み誣見狀じょう。肜等伏ふく讀，辭じ旨むね懇こん惻。衍備位い大臣だいじん，應おう以議責せめ也。太子たいし被ひ誣得罪ざい，衍不能ふのう守もり死し善道ぜんどう，即そく求もとめ離婚りこん。得とく太子たいし手書しゅしょ，隱蔽いんぺい不出ふしゅつ。志こころざし在ざい苟免，無む忠ちゅう蹇あしなえ之の操みさお。宜むべ加か顯あらわ責せめ，以厲臣節しんせつ。可か禁錮きんこ終身しゅうしん。」從したがえ之これ。) Book of Jin, Volume 83
  6. ^ (趙ちょう王おう倫りん篡位，敦あつし叔父おじ彥為兗州刺史しし，倫りん遣や敦あつし慰勞いろう之の。會かい諸王しょおう起おこり義兵ぎへい；彥被齊ひとし王おう冏檄，懼倫兵へい強きょう，不ふ敢應命いのち，敦あつし勸すすむ彥起兵へい應おう諸王しょおう，故こ彥遂立りつ勳くん績。) Book of Jin, Volume 43
  7. ^ (朝議ちょうぎ以爲乂、穎兄弟きょうだい，可か辭じ說せつ而釋，乃使中書ちゅうしょ令れい王おう衍等往說穎，令れい與あずか乂分陝而居い，穎不從したがえ。) Zizhi Tongjian, Volume 85
  8. ^ (又また以光祿ろく大夫たいふ王おう衍爲尚書しょうしょ左ひだり僕ぼく射しゃ。) Zizhi Tongjian, Volume 85
  9. ^ (乙おつ亥い，以王衍爲司し徒と。衍說太ふと傅でん越えつ曰：「朝廷ちょうてい危亂，當とう賴よりゆき方かた伯はく，宜むべ得とく文武ぶんぶ兼けん資し以任之の。」乃以弟おとうと澄きよし爲ため荊州都と督とく，族ぞく弟おとうと敦あつし爲ため青あお州しゅう刺史しし，語ご之の曰：「荊州有江ありえ、漢かん之の固かた，青あお州しゅう有ゆう負ふ海うみ之の險けん，卿きょう二に人にん在外ざいがい而吾居中きょちゅう，足そく以爲三さん窟くつ矣。」澄きよし至いたり鎭，以郭舒爲別べつ駕が，委い以府事ごと。澄きよし日び夜よる縱たて酒しゅ，不ふ親おや庶務しょむ，雖寇戎えびす交急，不ふ以爲懷ふところ。舒常切きり諫，以爲宜むべ愛あい民みん養やしなえ兵へい，保全ほぜん州しゅう境さかい，澄きよし不ふ從したがえ。) Zizhi Tongjian, Volume 86
  10. ^ (太ふとし傅でん越えつ遣や司馬しば王おう斌あきら帥そち甲かぶと士し五ご千せん人にん入いれ衞まもる京師けいし，張ちょう軌亦遣や督とく護まもる北宮きたみや純じゅん將兵しょうへい衞まもる京師けいし。五月ごがつ，彌わたる入にゅう自じ轘轅，敗はい官軍かんぐん于伊北きた，京師けいし大震たいしん，宮城みやぎ門もん晝ひる閉。壬みずのえ戌いぬ，彌わたる至いたり洛陽らくよう，屯たむろ于津陽ひ門もん。詔みことのり以王衍都督とく征討せいとう諸しょ軍事ぐんじ。北宮きたみや純じゅん募つの勇士ゆうし百ひゃく餘人よにん突陳，彌わたる兵へい大敗たいはい。乙おつ丑うし，彌わたる燒しょう建けん春はる門もん而東，衍遣左ひだり衞まもる將軍しょうぐん王おう秉追之の，戰せん于七なな里さと澗，又また敗はい之の。) Zizhi Tongjian, Volume 86
  11. ^ (京師けいし饑ひだる困こま日ひ甚，太ふとし傅でん越えつ遣や使つかい以羽檄げき徵ちょう天下でんか兵へい，使つかい入にゅう援京師し。帝みかど謂いい使者ししゃ曰︰「爲ため我が語ご諸しょ征せい、鎭，今日きょう尚なお可か救すくい，後ご則のり無む及矣！」旣すんで而卒無む至いたり者しゃ。征せい南みなみ將軍山しょうぐんざん簡遣督とく護まもる王おう萬まん將兵しょうへい入にゅう援，軍ぐん于涅陽ひ，爲ため王おう如所敗はい。如遂大だい掠かすめ沔、漢かん，進しん逼襄陽ひ，簡嬰城じょう自じ守もり。荊州刺史しし王おう澄きよし自じ將しょう，欲よく援京師し，至いたり沶口，聞簡敗はい，衆しゅう散ち而還。朝議ちょうぎ多欲たよく遷都せんと以避難なん，王おう衍以爲ため不可ふか，賣うれ車しゃ牛うし以安衆しゅ心しん。山やま簡爲嚴げん嶷所逼，自じ襄じょう陽ひ徙屯夏なつ口こう。) Zizhi Tongjian, Volume 87
  12. ^ (越こし憂ゆう憤いきどお成なり疾やまし，以後いご事こと付づけ王おう衍；三さん月がつ，丙へい子こ，薨于項こう，祕ひ不發ふはつ喪も。衆しゅう共ども推衍爲ため元帥げんすい，衍不敢當；以讓襄じょう陽ひ王おう範はん，範はん亦また不ふ受。範はん，瑋之子こ也。於是衍等相しょう與あずか奉たてまつ越えつ喪も還かえ葬そう東海とうかい。) Zizhi Tongjian, Volume 87
  13. ^ (夏なつ，四よん月がつ，石せき勒率輕けい騎き追おい太ふと傅でん越えつ之の喪も，及於苦く縣けん寧やすし平城ひらじろ，大敗たいはい晉すすむ兵へい，縱たて騎き圍かこえ而射之の，將士しょうし十餘萬人相踐如山，無む一いち人にん得とく免めん者しゃ。執と太ふと尉じょう衍、襄じょう陽ひ王おう範はん、任にん城じょう王おう濟わたる、武たけ陵りょう莊そう王おう澹、西河にしかわ王おう喜き、梁りょう懷ふところ王おう禧、齊ひとし王おう超ちょう、吏部尚書しょうしょ劉りゅう望のぞむ、廷尉諸しょ葛かずら銓、豫よ州しゅう刺史しし劉りゅう喬たかし、太ふとし傅でん長ちょう史し庾敳等とう，坐すわ之これ幕下まくした，問もん以晉故こ。) Zizhi Tongjian, Volume 87
  14. ^ (俄にわか而舉軍ぐん為石ためし勒所破やぶ，勒呼王公おうこう，與あずか之これ相しょう見み，問もん衍以晉すすむ故こ。衍為陳ひね禍か敗はい之の由ゆかり，雲くも計けい不在ふざい己おのれ。勒甚悅えつ之の，與語よご移うつり日び。衍自說せつ少しょう不ふ豫よ事ごと，欲求よっきゅう自じ免めん，因よし勸すすむ勒稱尊號そんごう。勒怒曰：「君きみ名めい蓋ぶた四海しかい，身み居きょ重任じゅうにん，少壯しょうそう登とう朝あさ，至いたり於白首しらくび，何なん得とく言げん不ふ豫よ世事せじ邪よこしま！破壞はかい天下でんか，正せい是ただし君くん罪ざい。」) Book of Jin, Volume 43
  15. ^ (使つかい左右さゆう扶出。謂いい其党孔あな萇曰：「吾われ行ぎょう天下でんか多た矣，未み嘗見如此人じん，當とう可か活かつ不ふ？」萇曰：「彼かれ晉すすむ之の三公みつきみ，必不為ふため我わが盡力じんりょく，又また何なに足あし貴き乎！」勒曰：「要よう不可ふか加か以鋒刃ば也。」使つかい人じん夜よる排はい牆填殺ころせ之これ。衍將死し，顧而言げん曰：「嗚呼ああ！吾われ曹雖不ふ如古人じん，向むかい若わか不ふ祖そ尚なお浮虛，戮力以匡天下でんか，猶なお可か不ふ至いたり今日きょう。」時じ年ねん五ご十じゅう六ろく。) Book of Jin, Volume 43
  16. ^ (庾翼貽浩書しょ曰：「當今とうぎん江東こうとう社稷しゃしょく安危あんき，內委何なに、褚諸君くん，外そと托たく庾、桓數族ぞく，恐こわ不ふ得とく百ひゃく年ねん無む憂ゆう，亦また朝夕あさゆう而弊。足下あしもと少しょう標しるべ令名れいめい，十じゅう餘よ年間ねんかん，位い經けい內外，而欲潛せん居きょ利貞としさだ，斯理難なん全ぜん。且夫濟ずみ一いち時じ之の務つとむ，須一いち時じ之の勝かち，何なに必德均ひとし古人こじん，韻いん齊ひとし先達せんだつ邪よこしま！王おう夷えびす甫はじめ，先さき朝あさ風流ふうりゅう士し也，然しか吾われ薄うす其立名めい非ひ真しん，而始終しじゅう莫取。若わか以道非ひ虞おそれ夏なつ，自じ當とう超然ちょうぜん獨往どくおう，而不能ふのう謀はかりごと始はじめ，大だい合ごう聲譽せいよ，極致きょくち名めい位い，正當せいとう抑揚よくよう名めい教きょう，以靜亂らん源げん。而乃高談こうだん《莊そう》《老ろう》，說せつ空そら終日しゅうじつ，雖云談だん道どう，實み長ちょう華はな競きおい。及其末まつ年ねん，人望じんぼう猶なお存そん，思おもえ安やす懼亂，寄よせ命いのち推務。而甫自じ申述もうしのべ，徇小好こう名な，既すんで身み囚しゅう胡えびす虜とりこ，棄言非ひ所しょ。凡明德めいとく君子くんし，遇ぐう會かい處しょ際ぎわ，寧やすし可か然しか乎？而世皆みな然しか之これ。益えき知ち名實めいじつ之の未定みてい，弊風へいふう之の未み革かわ也。」浩ひろし固辭こじ不ふ起おこり。) Book of Jin, Volume 77
  17. ^ (桓公かんこう入洛にゅうらく，過か淮、泗，踐北境さかい，與あずか諸しょ僚屬登とう平たいら乘じょう樓ろう，眺ながめ矚中原なかはら，慨然がいぜん曰：「遂とげ使し神州しんしゅう陸りく沈，百ひゃく年ねん丘おか墟，王おう夷えびす甫はじめ諸人もろびと，不ふ得とく不ふ任にん其責！」袁虎率爾そつじ對たい曰：「運うん自じ有ゆう廢はい興きょう，豈あに必諸人じん之の過か？」桓公かんこう懍然作さく色しょく，顧謂四よん坐すわ曰：「諸君しょくん頗聞劉りゅう景けい升ます不ふ？有ゆう大だい牛重うしがさね千せん斤きん，噉芻豆まめ十じゅう倍ばい於常牛うし，負ふ重じゅう致遠，曾不若わか一いち羸牸。魏ぎ武たけ入にゅう荊州，烹以饗きょう士卒しそつ，于時莫不稱たたえ快かい。」意い以況袁。四坐既駭，袁亦失しつ色しょく。) Shishuo Xinyu, Volume 26.11
  18. ^ (王おう何なん蔑棄典文のりふみ，不ふ遵禮度ど，遊ゆう辭じ浮說ふせつ，波は蕩とろけ後生ごしょう，飾かざり華はな言げん以翳實み，騁繁文ぶん以惑世よ。搢紳之の徒と，翻然ほんぜん改あらため轍わだち，洙泗之の風ふう，緬はる焉將墜。遂とげ令れい仁義じんぎ幽かそけ淪，儒雅蒙塵もうじん，禮れい壞樂崩くずれ，中原なかはら傾かたぶけ覆くつがえ。古いにしえ之の所謂いわゆる言げん偽にせ而辯，行ぎょう僻へき而堅者しゃ，其斯人じん之の徒と歟？昔むかし夫子ふうし斬き少しょう正せい於魯，太ふとし公おおやけ戮華士し於齊おさい，豈あに非ひ曠世こうせい而同誅乎？桀紂暴虐ぼうぎゃく，正せい足あし以滅身み覆くつがえ國くに，為ため後世こうせい鑑かん戒耳。豈あに能のう回かい百姓ひゃくしょう之の視聽しちょう哉！王おう何なん叨海內之浮譽，資し膏あぶら粱之傲誕，畫かく螭魅以為巧たくみ，扇おうぎ無む檢けん以為俗ぞく，鄭てい聲ごえ之の亂みだれ樂らく，利口りこう之の覆くつがえ邦くに，信しん矣哉！吾われ固かた以為一いち世せい之の禍わざわい輕けい，歷代れきだい之の罪つみ重じゅう，自じ喪も之の釁少，迷眾之の愆大也。) Quan Jinwen, Volume 125
  19. ^ (臣しん嘗讀魏ぎ、晉すすむ史し，每まい鄙ひな何なん晏、王おう衍終日び談だん空そら。近きん觀かん齊ひとし、梁はり書しょ，才さい士し亦また復ふく不ふ少しょう，並なみ何なん益えき於理亂らん哉？從したがえ此而言ごと，則のり陸士りくし衡著《辨べん亡ほろび論ろん》，而不救すくい河かわ橋きょう之の敗はい，養やしなえ由よし基もと射しゃ能のう穿ほじ札さつ，而不止とめ鄢陵之の奔，斷だん可知かち矣。昔むかし趙ちょう岐撰禦寇之これ論ろん，山やま濤陳用兵ようへい之の本ほん，皆みな坐すわ運うん帷幄いあく，暗合あんごう孫まご、吳ご。宣せん尼あま稱しょう‘有德うとく者しゃ必有言ごと，仁者じんしゃ必有勇いさむ’，則のり何なん平ひら叔、王おう夷えびす甫はじめ豈あに得とく同日どうじつ而言載の！) Old Book of Tang, Volume 42
  20. ^ (王おう夷えびす甫はじめ既すんで降くだ石いし勒，自じ解かい無罪むざい，且勸僭號，其女惠めぐみ風ふう為ため愍懷太子たいし妃ひ，劉りゅう曜陷洛らく，以惠風ふう賜たまもの其將喬たかし屬ぞく，屬ぞく將はた妻つま之の，惠めぐみ風ふう拔劍ばっけん大だい罵ののし而死，乃知夷えびす甫はじめ之これ死し非ひ獨どく慚見晉すすむ公卿くぎょう，乃當羞見其女也。) Assessment of Virtuous and Famous People of Past Dynasties, Volume 59
  21. ^ (不ふ然しか，則のり崇たかし尚なお虛きょ浮，逃於得失とくしつ之の外そと以免害がい，則のり阮籍、王おう衍、樂らく廣之ひろゆき流りゅう是ぜ已やめ。) Commentary on the Tongjian, Volume 12
  22. ^ (每まい捉玉柄がら麈尾しゅび，與あずか手て同色どうしょく。義理ぎり有ゆう所しょ不安ふあん，隨ずい即そく改あらため更さら，世せい號ごう“口中くちじゅう雌めす黃き。”) Book of Jin, Volume 43
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