This article needs additional citations for verification. (November 2020) |
Wa[a] is the oldest attested name of Japan[b] and ethnonym of the Japanese people. From c. the 2nd century AD Chinese and Korean scribes used the Chinese character
Wa | |||||||||||||||
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Chinese name | |||||||||||||||
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Literal meaning | submissive, distant, dwarf | ||||||||||||||
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Korean name | |||||||||||||||
Hangul | 왜 | ||||||||||||||
Hanja | |||||||||||||||
Literal meaning | dwarf | ||||||||||||||
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Japanese name | |||||||||||||||
Kanji | |||||||||||||||
Kana | わ | ||||||||||||||
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Etymology
editAlthough the etymological origins of Wa remain uncertain, Chinese historical texts recorded an ancient people residing in the Japanese archipelago (perhaps Kyūshū), named something like *ɁWâ, transcribed with Chinese character
The first "submissive; obedient" explanation began with the (121 CE) Shuowen Jiezi dictionary. It defines
The second etymology of wō
Since early Chinese information about Wo/Wa peoples was based largely on hearsay, Wang Zhenping[7] says, "Little is certain about the Wo except they were obedient and complaisant."
According to Whitman the Wei Shu states that “Chinhan men and women are close to Wa (
The Japanese endonym Wa
倭 and 和 characters
edit
The Chinese character
Most characters written with this wěi
- wèi
魏 ("ghost" radical) "the state of Wei" - wēi 逶 ("motion" radical) "serpentine; winding, curving" [in wēiyí 逶迤 "winding (road, river)"]
- wěi
萎 ("plant" radical) "wilt; wither; atrophy; tire, grow weary; (metaphorically) decline, fade" - wěi 痿 ("sickness" radical) "paralysis; impotence"
- wěi 諉 ("speech" radical) "shirk; shift blame (onto others)"
- wèi 餧 ("food" radical) "feed (animals)"
The unusual Wō
- wō 踒 ("foot" radical) "strain; sprain (sinew or muscle)"
- wǒ 婑 ("woman" radical) "beautiful" [in wǒtuǒ 婑媠 "beautiful; pretty"] (In this word's case, the phonemic segments are identical, but the tonemes differ.)
A third pronunciation is found in the reading of the following character:
- ǎi 矮 ("arrow" radical) "dwarf, short of stature; low; inferior"
Nara period Japanese scholars believed that Chinese character for Wō
Graphic replacement of the
倭 "dwarf Japanese" Chinese logograph became inevitable. Not long after the Japanese began using倭 to write Wa ~ Yamato 'Japan', they realized its 'dwarf; bent back' connotation. In a sense, they had been tricked by Chinese logography; the only written name for 'Japan' was deprecating. The chosen replacement wa和 'harmony; peace' had the same Japanese wa pronunciation as倭 'dwarf', and - most importantly - it was semantically flattering. The notion that Japanese culture is based upon wa和 'harmony' has become an article of faith among Japanese and Japanologists.[10]
In current Japanese usage, Wa
Pronunciations
editPronunciations | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Korean name | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Hangul | 왜 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Hanja | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Japanese name | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Kanji | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Kana | わ, やまと | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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In Chinese, the character
- wōqī
倭 漆 "Japanese lacquerware" - wōdāo
倭 刀 "Japanese sword" - wōguā
倭 瓜 (lit. "Japanese melon") "pumpkin; squash" - wōhémǎ
倭 河馬 "pygmy hippopotamus" - wōzhū
倭 豬 "pygmy hog" - wōhúhóu
倭 狐 猴 "dwarf lemur" - wōheixingxing
倭 黑 猩猩 "pygmy chimpanzee"
Reconstructed pronunciations of wō
In Japanese, the Chinese character
Lexicography
editIn modern dictionaries, an article by Michael Carr[11] "compares how Oriental and Occidental lexicographers have treated the fact that Japan's first written name was a Chinese Wō < *ʼWâ
Α = "dwarf; Japanese"Β = "compliant; Japanese"Γ = "derogatory Japanese"Δ = "Japanese"
For example, Alpha (A) type includes both overt definitions like "The land of dwarfs; Japan" (Liushi Han-Ying cidian
Carr evaluates these four typologies for defining the Chinese
From a theoretical standpoint, A "dwarf" or B "submissive" type definitions are preferable for providing accurate etymological information, even though it may be deemed offensive. It is no transgression for an abridged Chinese dictionary to give a short
Δ "Japan" definition, but adding "an old name for" or "archaic" takes no more space than adding aΓ "derogatory" note. AΔ definition avoids offending the Japanese, but misleads the dictionary user in the same way as the OED2 defining wetback and white trash without usage labels.[12]
The table below (Carr 1992:31, "Table 8. Overall Comparison of Definitions") summarizes how Chinese dictionaries define Wō
Definition Type | Chinese–Chinese | Chinese–English | Chinese–Other | Chinese–Japanese |
---|---|---|---|---|
3 (10%) | 10 (59%) | 5 (38%) | 4 (12%) | |
0 | 0 | 1 (8%) | 4 (12%) | |
0 | 1 (6%) | 3 (23%) | 11 (33%) | |
26 (90%) | 6 (35%) | 4 (31%) | 14 (42%) | |
Total Dictionaries | 29 | 17 | 13 | 33 |
Today, half of the Western language dictionaries note that Chinese Wō
Even the modern-day Unicode universal character standard reflects inherent lexicographic problems with this ancient Chinese Wō
Historical references
editThis section needs additional citations for verification. (November 2020) |
The earliest textual references to Japan are in the Chinese classic texts. Within the official Chinese dynastic Twenty-Four Histories, Japan is mentioned among the so-called 'Eastern barbarians'.
The historian Wang Zhenping summarizes Wa contacts from the Han dynasty to the Sixteen Kingdoms period:
When chieftains of various Wo tribes contacted authorities at Lelang, a Chinese commandery established in northern Korea in 108 B.C. by the Western Han court, they sought to benefit themselves by initiating contact. In A.D. 57, the first Wo ambassador arrived at the capital of the Eastern Han court (25–220); the second came in 107.
Wo diplomats never called on China on a regular basis. A chronology of Japan–China relations from the first to the ninth centuries reveals this irregularity in the visits of Japanese ambassadors to China. There were periods of frequent contacts as well as of lengthy intervals between contacts. This irregularity clearly indicated that, in its diplomacy with China, Japan set its own agenda and acted on self-interest to satisfy its own needs.
No Wo ambassador, for example, came to China during the second century. This interval continued well past the third century. Then within merely nine years, the female Wo ruler Himiko sent four ambassadors to the Wei court (220–265) in 238, 243, 245, and 247, respectively. After the death of Himiko, diplomatic contact with China slowed. Iyoo, the female successor to Himiko, contacted the Wei court only once. The fourth century was another quiet period in China–Wo relations except for the Wo delegation dispatched to the Western Jin court (265–316) in 306. With the arrival of a Wo ambassador at the Eastern Jin court (317–420) in 413, a new age of frequent diplomatic contact with China began. Over the next sixty years, ten Wo ambassadors called on the Southern Song court (420–479), and a Wo delegation also visited the Southern Qi court (479–502) in 479. The sixth century saw only one Wo ambassador pay respect to the Southern Liang court (502–557) in 502. When these ambassadors arrived in China, they acquired official titles, bronze mirrors, and military banners, which their masters could use to bolster their claims to political supremacy, to build a military system, and to attempt to expand its influence towards southern Korea.[13]
Tuhua jianwen zhi
edit
In the section on the Goryeo kingdom, within the sixth volume of his
The Kingdom of Wa is also Japan [
日本 ]. Its original name was Wa [倭 ], but became ashamed of that name. They claim themselves Japan [Origin of the Sun] because they are in the extremity of the East. Now they are vassal to Goryeo.[A]
This could be referring to the numerous tributary missions sent to Goryeo by the Muromachi shogunate during the Nanboku-chō period to gain international recognition to establish legitimacy over the southern court, which originally had the better claim to legitimacy as it possessed the imperial regalia of Japan and the original Emperor Go-daigo. (In the later war-torn Sengoku period, various daimyo would send tributes to Goryeo to gain legitimacy over their rivals, even into the Joseon dynasty.)
Wa kingdoms
editThe Wa kingdoms on Kyushu were documented in the Civil war of Wa, which originated from a power struggle or political situation in the mid-2nd century CE.[14][15] There were over 100 chiefdoms before the civil war.[nb 1] Afterward there were around 30 chiefdoms left that were ruled by shaman queen Himiko of Yamatai-koku (
Shan Hai Jing
editPossibly the earliest use of Wa occurs in the Shan Hai Jing. The actual date of this collection of geography and mythological legends is uncertain, but estimates range from 300 BCE to 250 CE.
The 《
The State of Gai is south of Great Yan and north of Wo. Wo belongs to Yan. Chaoxian [Chosŏn, Korea] is east of Lieyang, south of Haibei Mountain. Lieyang belongs to Yan.[B][20]
Nakagawa notes that the label 鉅燕; Ju Yan refers to the kingdom of Yan (c. 1000–222 BCE), and that Wa ("Japan was first known by this name.") maintained a "possible tributary relationship" with Yan.
Lunheng
editThe Lunheng (
The chapter within the Lunheng's titled 《儒増》; Rŭzēng; 'Exaggerations of the Literati"' mentions both 'Wa people' and
During the Zhou time there was universal peace. The [Yueshang] offered white pheasants to the court, the [Japanese] odoriferous plants.[C] Since by eating these white pheasants or odoriferous plants one cannot keep free from evil influences, why should vessels like bronze tripods have such a power?[21]
Another chapter titled 《恢國》; Huīguó; 'Restoring the Nation"' similarly records that Emperor Cheng of Han (r. 51–7 BCE) was presented tributes of Vietnamese pheasants and Japanese herbs.[22]
Book of Han
editThe c. 82 CE Han Shu (Book of Han) covers the Former Han dynasty (206 BCE – 24 CE) period. Near the conclusion of the Yan entry in the Dilizhi
Beyond Lo-lang in the sea, there are the people of Wo. They comprise more than one hundred communities.[D] It is reported that they have maintained intercourse with China through tributaries and envoys.[23]
Emperor Wu of Han established this Korean Lelang Commandery in 108 BCE. Historian Endymion Wilkinson says Wa was used originally in the Hanshu, "probably to refer to the inhabitants of Kyushu and the Korean peninsula. Thereafter to the inhabitants of the Japanese archipelago."[24]
Records of Wei
editThe c. 297 CE
The people of Wa dwell in the middle of the ocean on the mountainous islands southeast of [the prefecture] of Tai-fang. They formerly comprised more than one hundred communities. During the Han dynasty, [Wa envoys] appeared at the Court; today, thirty of their communities maintain intercourse [with us] through envoys and scribes.[E][25]
This Weizhi context describes sailing from Korea to Wa and around the Japanese archipelago. For instance:
A hundred li to the south, one reaches the country of Nu, the official of which is called shimako, his assistant being termed hinumori. Here there are more than twenty thousand households.[26]
Tsunoda suggests this ancient
Some 12,000 li to the south of Wa is
Over one thousand li to the east of the Queen's land, there are more countries of the same race as the people of Wa. To the south, also there is the island of the dwarfs where the people are three or four feet tall. This is over four thousand li distant from the Queen's land. Then there is the land of the naked men, as well of the black-teethed people.[F] These places can be reached by boat if one travels southeast for a year.[28]
One Weizhi passage records that in 238 CE the Queen of Wa sent officials with tribute to the Wei emperor Cao Rui, who reciprocated with lavish gifts including a gold seal with the official title "Queen of Wa Friendly to Wei".[29]
Another passage relates Wa tattooing with legendary King Shao Kang of the Xia dynasty.
Men great and small, all tattoo their faces and decorate their bodies with designs. From olden times envoys who visited the Chinese Court called themselves "grandees". A son of the ruler Shao-k'ang of Hsia, when he was enfeoffed as lord of K'uai-chi, cut his hair and decorated his body with designs in order to avoid the attack of serpents and dragons. The Wa, who are fond of diving into the water to get fish and shells, also decorated their bodies in order to keep away large fish and waterfowl. Later, the designs became merely ornamental.[30]
'Grandees' translates Chinese
A second Wei history, the c. 239–265 CE Weilüe is no longer extant, but some sections are quoted in the 429 CE Annotations to Records of the Three Kingdoms by Pei Songzhi. He quotes the Weilüe, that "[Wa] people call themselves posterity of Tàibó".[G] Taibo was the uncle of King Wen of Zhou, who ceded the throne to his nephew and founded the ancient state of Wu (585–473 BCE). The Records of the Grand Historian has a section titled "Wu Taibo's Noble Family", and his shrine is located in present-day Wuxi. Researchers have noted cultural similarities between the ancient Wu state and Wō Japan including ritual tooth-pulling, back child carriers, and tattooing (represented with red paint on Japanese Haniwa statues).
Book of Later Han
editThe c. 432 CE Hou Han Shu (Book of Later Han) covers the Later Han dynasty (25–220 CE), but was not compiled until two centuries later. The 'Wa people' are included under the "Encounters with Eastern Barbarians" section.
The Wa dwell on mountainous islands southeast of Tai-fang in the middle of the ocean, forming more than one hundred communities.[H] From the time of the overthrow of Chao-hsien [northern Korea] by Emperor Wu (B.C. 140-87), nearly thirty of these communities have held intercourse with the Han [dynasty] court by envoys or scribes. Each community has its king, whose office is hereditary. The King of Great Wa resides in the country of Yamadai [
邪馬台国 ].[31]
Comparing the opening descriptions of Wa in the Wei Zhi and Hou Han Shu clearly reveals that the latter is derivative. Their respective accounts of the dwarf, naked, and black-teethed peoples provide another example of copying.
Leaving the queen's land and crossing the sea to the east, after a voyage of one thousand li, the country of Kunu [
狗 奴 國 ] ("Country of Dog-slaves") is reached, the people of which are of the same race as that of the Wa. They are not the queen's subjects, however. Four thousand li away to the south of the queen's land, the dwarf's country is reached; its inhabitants are three to four feet in height. After a year's voyage by ship to the southeast of the dwarf's country, one comes to the land of naked men and also to the country of black-teethed people;[I] here our communication service ends.[32]
This Hou Han Shu account of Japan contains some historical details not found in the Wei Zhi.
[In 57 CE], the Wa country Nu [
倭 奴 國 ] sent an envoy with tribute who called himself ta-fu [大夫 ]. This country is located in the southern extremity of the Wa country. Kuang-wu bestowed on him a seal. In ... [107 CE], during the reign of An-ti (107-125), the King of Wa presented one hundred sixty slaves, making at the same time a request for an imperial audience.[33]
Tsunoda notes support for the Hakata location of Nu/Na country in the 1784 discovery at Hakata Bay of a gold seal bearing the inscription
Book of Song
editThe 488 CE Song Shu ("Book of Song") covers the brief history of the Liu Song dynasty (420–479) during the chaotic Six Dynasties period. Under the "Eastern and Southern Barbarians" section, right after Baekje, Japan is listed as "Wa country", and is said to be located off Goguryeo. In contrast with the earlier histories that describe the Wa as a 'people', this Song history describes them as a "country".
The country of Wa is in the midst of the great ocean, southeast of Goguryeo. From generation to generation, [the Wa people] carry out their duty of bringing tribute.[J] [In 421,] the first Emperor said in a rescript: "Ts'an [
贊 , Emperor Nintoku (r. 313–319)] of Wa sends tribute from a distance of tens of thousands of li里 . The fact that he is loyal, though so far away, deserves appreciation. Let him, therefore, be granted rank and title." … In [438] Ts'an died and his brother, Chen [珍 , Emperor Hanzei (r. ca. 406–411)], came to power, the latter sent an envoy to the Court with tribute. Self-proclaiming as King of Wa, Overseer of All Military Affairs in the Six Countries of Wa, Baekje, Silla, Imna, Jin-han and Mok-han; and Grand Peacekeeper-General of the East (安東 大將軍 ). He presented a memorial requesting that these [self-proclaimed] titles be formally confirmed. An imperial edict was issued [only recognizing him as] King of Wa and Peacekeeper-General of the East. … In the twentieth year [443], Sai [濟 , Emperor Ingyō (r. ca. 412–453)], King of Wa, sent an envoy with tribute and was reaffirmed as King of Wa; and Peacekeeper-General of the East. In the twenty-eighth year [451], the additional title was granted of Peacekeeper-General of the East; Overseer of All Military Affairs in the Six Countries of Wa, Silla, Imna, Gaya, Jin-han and Mok-han. ... Sai died, his crown prince Kou [興 , Emperor Ankō (r. ca. 453–456)] sends tribute... In [468] Kou dies, his younger brother Bu [武 , Emperor Yūryaku (r. ca. 456–479)] comes to power, self-proclaiming himself as Peacekeeper-General of the East; Overser of All Military Affairs in the Seven Countries of Wa, Baekje, Silla, Imna, Gaya, Jin-han and Mok-han. ... In [478] offered a letter saying, "Our landed country is far, forming a vassalage far away, we have had no comfort since we had to arm ourselves with helmet and armor and trek across mountains and streams. ... "[34]
It should be noted, this period in Chinese history was when China was split roughly into North and South and fiercely competing for legitimacy themselves, and so were eager to accept as many foreign countries and land as many foreign monarchs as possible.
The Song Shu gives details Japan visiting Liu Song often, indicating that the Wa kings were desperate for their political legitimization from the Chinese emperors, asking for confirmation of titles every time the throne was succeeded. Liu Song itself has not recognized Japan's exaggerated claims over Baekje, as it had already had diplomatic ties with and in 420 already recognized Baekje's Jeonji as the Grand Suppressor-General of the East (鎮東
Wang Jianqun (
In 479, as a celebratory gesture and to establish legitimacy through the diplomatic position as granter of titles in the sinosphere, the newborn Southern Qi dynasty would give out titles without being prompted, such as voluntarily entitling the King of Wa to what Baekje was already entitled by Liu Song in 420, the Grand Suppressor-General of the East (鎮東
Book of Liang
editThe 635 CE Liang Shu
The Wa say of themselves that they are posterity of Tàibó. According to custom, the people are all tattooed. Their territory is over 12,000 li from Daifang. It is located approximately east of Kuaiji [on Hangzhou Bay], though at an extremely great distance.[K]
Later texts repeat this myth of Japanese descent from Taibo. The 648 CE Jin Shu ("Book of Jin") about the Jin dynasty (266–420 CE) uses a different "call" verb, wèi
Book of Sui
editThe 636 CE Sui Shu ("Book of Sui") records the history of the Sui dynasty (581–618) when China was reunified. Wōguó/Wakoku is entered under "Eastern Barbarians", and said to be located off of Baekje and Silla (see Hogong), two of the Three Kingdoms of Korea.
Wa-kuo is situated in the middle of the great ocean southeast of Baekje and Silla, three thousand li away by water and land. The people dwell on mountainous islands.[M] During the Wei dynasty, over thirty countries [of Wa], each of which boasted a king, held intercourse with China. These barbarians do not know how to measure distance by li and estimate it by days. Their domain is five months' journey from east to west, and three months' from north to south; and the sea lies on all sides. The land is high in the east and low in the west.[35]
In 607 CE, the Sui Shu records that "King Tarishihoko" (a mistake for Empress Suiko) sent an envoy, Buddhist monks, and tribute to Emperor Yang. Her official message is quoted using the word Tiānzǐ
"The Son of Heaven in the land where the sun rises addresses a letter to the Son of Heaven in the land where the sun sets. We hope you are in good health." When the Emperor saw this letter, he was displeased and told the chief official of foreign affairs that this letter from the barbarians was discourteous, and that such a letter should not again be brought to his attention.[36]
In 608, the Emperor dispatched Pei Ching as envoy to Wa, and he returned with a Japanese delegation.
The Japanese Nihongi also records these imperial envoys of 607 and 608, but with a differing Sino-Japanese historical perspective. It records more details, such as naming the envoy Imoko Wono no Omi and translator Kuratsukuri no Fukuri, but not the offensive Chinese translation.[37] According to the Nihongi, when Imoko returned from China, he apologized to Suiko for losing Yang's letter because Korean men "searched me and took it from me." When the Empress received Pei, he presented a proclamation [38] contrasting Chinese Huángdì
The Emperor of the East respectfully addresses the Emperor of the West. Your Envoy, P'ei Shih-ch'ing, Official Entertainer of the Department of foreign receptions, and his suite, having arrived here, my long-harbored cares were dissolved. This last month of autumn is somewhat chilly. How is Your Majesty? We trust well. We are in our usual health.[39]
Aston quotes the 797 CE Shoku Nihongi history that this 607 Japanese mission to China first objected to writing Wa with the Chinese character
"Wono no Imoko, the Envoy who visited China, (proposed to) alter this term into Nippon, but the Sui Emperor ignored his reasons and would not allow it. The term Nippon was first used in the period [...] 618–626." Another Chinese authority gives 670 as the date when Nippon began to be officially used in China.[40]
Old Book of Tang
editThe custom of writing "Japan" as Wa ended during the Tang dynasty. Japanese scribes coined the name Nihon or Nippon c. 608–645 and replaced Wa with a more flattering Japanese:
Japan in former times was called Wa-nu. It is 14,000 li distant from our capital, situated to the southeast of Silla in the middle of the ocean. It is five months' journey to cross Japan from east to west, and a three-month journey from south to north.[N][42]
Regarding the change in autonyms, the Xin Tang Shu says.
[In 670], an embassy came to the Court [from Japan] to offer congratulations on the conquest of Koguryŏ. Around this time, the Japanese who had studied Chinese came to dislike the name Wa and changed it to Nippon. According to the words of the [Japanese] envoy himself, that name was chosen because the country was so close to where the sun rises.[O] Some say, [on the other hand,] that Japan was a small country which had been subjugated by the Wa, and that the latter took over its name. As this envoy was not truthful, doubt still remains.[P] [The envoy] was, besides, boastful, and he said that the domains of his country were many thousands of square li and extended to the ocean on the south and on the west. In the northeast, he said, the country was bordered by mountain ranges beyond which lay the land of the hairy men.[43]
Subsequent Chinese histories refer to Japan as
Gwanggaeto Stele
editThe earliest Korean reference to Japanese Wa (Wae in Korean) is the 414 CE Gwanggaeto Stele that was erected to honor King Gwanggaeto the Great of Goguryeo (r. 391–413 CE). This memorial stele, which has the oldest usage of Wakō (
If Kokuryo could not destroy Baekje itself, it wished for someone else to do so. Thus, in another sense, the inscription may have been wishful thinking. At any rate, Wae denoted both the southern Koreans and people who lived on the southwest Japanese islands, the same Kaya people who had ruled both regions in ancient times. Wae did not denote Japan alone, as was the case later.[44]
"It is generally thought that these Wae were from the archipelago," write Lewis and Sesay, "but we as yet have no conclusive evidence concerning their origins."[45]
Notes
edit- ^ From Chinese and Japanese:
倭 ; pinyin: wō; rōmaji: wa; Eastern Han Chinese *ʔwɑi > *ʔuɑi > Middle Chinese ʔuɑ - ^ Names such as Fusang or Penglai are mythological or legendary, and as such are not considered.
- ^
倭國 乃日本國 也,本名 倭 旣 恥 其名。又 自 以在極東 因 號 日本 也。今 則 臣 屬 高 麗 也。 - ^
蓋 國 在 鉅燕南 倭 北 倭 屬 燕 朝鮮 在 列 陽 東海 北山 南 列 陽 屬 燕 - ^
周 時 天下 太平 ,越 裳 獻 白 雉,倭人 貢 鬯草。 - ^
樂 浪 海中 有 倭人 分 爲 百 餘 國 - ^
倭人 在 帯 方 東南 大海 之 中 依 山 爲國 邑舊百餘國漢時有朝見者今使早譯所通三十國 - ^
裸 國 黒 齒 國 - ^
倭人 自 謂 太 伯 之 後 - ^
倭人 在 帯 方 東南 大海 之 中 依 山 爲國 邑舊百 餘 國 - ^
裸 國 黑 齒 國 - ^
倭國 在高 驪東南 大海 中世 修 貢 職 - ^
倭 者 自 云 太 伯 之 後 俗 皆 文身 去 帶 方 萬 二 千餘里大抵在會稽之東相去絶遠 - ^
今 日本 又 云 吳 太 伯 之 後 蓋 吳 亡 其支庶入海 為 倭 - ^
倭國 在 百濟新羅東南水陸三千里於大海之中依山島而居 - ^
日本 古 倭 奴 也去京師 萬 四千里直新羅東南在海中島而居東西五月行南北三月行 - ^
後 稍 習夏音 惡 倭名 更 號 日本 使者 自 言 國 近日 所出 以為名 - ^
或 雲 日本 乃小國 為 倭 所 並 故 冒 其號使者 不 以情故 疑 焉
References
editCitations
edit- ^ Bentley, John. “The Search for the Language of Yamatai” in Japanese Language and Literature (42.1), p. 10 of pp. 1-43.
- ^ 1992:9–10
- ^
説 文 解 字 人 部 :倭 :順 皃。从人委 聲 。《詩 》曰:「周 道 倭 遟。」 - ^ 1992:9
- ^ Hou Han Shu, tr. Tsunoda 1951:2
- ^ Wei Zhi, tr. Tsunoda 1951:13
- ^ 2005:9
- ^ Whitman, J. Northeast Asian Linguistic Ecology and the Advent of Rice Agriculture in Korea and Japan. Rice 4, 149–158 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12284-011-9080-0
- ^ 1923:368
- ^ 1992:6
- ^ 1992:1
- ^ 1992:12
- ^ Wang 2005:221–222.
- ^ a b Metevelis 2002, p. 19
- ^ Kidder 2007, p. 23
- ^ Brown & Hall 1993, pp. 287–288
- ^ Brown & Hall 1993, p. xxi
- ^ Kidder 2007, p. 9
- ^ Kidder 2007, p. 12
- ^ 12, tr. Nakagawa 2003:49
- ^ 26, tr. Forke 1907:505
- ^ tr. Forke 1907:208
- ^ 28B, tr. Otake Takeo (
小竹 武夫 ), cited by Nakagawa 2003:50 - ^ Wilkinson 2000:726
- ^ tr. Tsunoda 1951:8)
- ^ tr. Tsunoda 1951:0
- ^ a b tr. Tsunoda 1951:5
- ^ Tsunoda 1951:13
- ^ tr. Tsunoda 1951:14
- ^ tr. Tsunoda 1951:10
- ^ tr. Tsunoda 1951:1
- ^ tr. Tsunoda 1951:3
- ^ tr. Tsunoda 1951:2
- ^ "
宋 書 :卷 九 十 七 列傳 第 五 十 七 夷 蠻 -中國 哲學 書 電子 化 計 劃". ctext.org (in Chinese (Taiwan)). Retrieved 2023-08-26. - ^ tr. Tsunoda 1951:28
- ^ Tsunoda 1951:32
- ^ 22, tr. Aston 1972 2:136–9
- ^ tr. Aston 1972 2:137–8
- ^ tr. Aston 1972 2:139
- ^ 1972 2:137–8
- ^ Carr 1992:6–7
- ^ 145, tr. Tsunoda 1951:38
- ^ 145, tr. Tsunoda 1951:40
- ^ 1997:34
- ^ 2002:104
Sources
edit- Aston, William G. 1924. Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest Times to A.D. 697. Charles E. Tuttle reprint 1972.
- Brown, Delmer M.; Hall, John Whitney (1993). The Cambridge History of Japan: Ancient Japan. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-22352-2. Retrieved 2011-03-24.
- Carr, Michael. 1992. "Wa
倭 Wa和 Lexicography," International Journal of Lexicography 5.1:1-30. - Forke, Alfred, tr. 1907. Lun-hêng, Part 1, Philosophical Essays of Wang Ch'ung. Otto Harrassowitz.
- Karlgren, Bernhard. 1923. Analytic Dictionary of Chinese and Sino-Japanese. Dover Reprint 1974.
- Kidder, Jonathan Edward (March 2007). Himiko and Japan's elusive chiefdom of Yamatai: archaeology, history, and mythology. University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 978-0-8248-3035-9. Retrieved 2011-06-17.
- Lee, Kenneth B. 1997. Korea and East Asia: The Story of a Phoenix. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 0-275-95823-X OCLC 35637112.
- Lewis, James B. and Amadu Sesay. 2002. Korea and Globalization: Politics, Economics and Culture. Routledge. ISBN 0-7007-1512-6 OCLC 46908525 50074837.
- Metevelis, Peter J. (2002). Myth in History. Mythological Essays. Vol. 2. iUniverse. ISBN 0-595-22950-6.
- Nakagawa Masako. 2003. The Shan-hai ching and Wo: A Japanese Connection, Sino-Japanese Studies 15:45-55.
- Tsunoda Ryusaku, tr. 1951. Japan in the Chinese dynastic histories: Later Han through Ming dynasties. Goodrich, Carrington C., ed. South Pasadena: P. D. and Ione Perkins.
- Wang Zhenping. 2005. Ambassadors from the Islands of Immortals: China-Japan Relations in the Han-Tang Period. University of Hawai'i Press.
- Wilkinson, Endymion. 2000. Chinese History: a manual, revised and enlarged ed. Harvard University Asia Center.
External links
edit- Unihan data for U+502D, Unihan Database entry for
倭 - English translation of the Wei Zhi, Koji Nakayama
- Hong, Wontack (1994). "Queen Himiko as Recorded in the Wei Chronicle. A Protohistoric Yayoi Ruler". Paekche of Korea and the Origin of Yamato Japan (PDF). Seoul: Kudara International. ISBN 978-89-85567-02-2. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2007-02-05.
- The Relatedness between the Origin of Japanese and Korean Ethnicity, Jaehoon Lee
- The Chronicles of Wa, Wesley Injerd
- Japan in Chinese and Japanese Historic Accounts, John A. Tucker
- (in Japanese) 「
三国志 ・魏 志 」巻 30東夷 伝 ・倭人 , Chinese text and Japanese translation of the Wei Zhi魏 志 account of Wa - (in Japanese)
邪馬台國 研究 本編 , Chinese text and Japanese translations of Chinese historical accounts of Wa - (in Japanese)
日本 古代 史 参考 史料 漢籍 , Accounts of Wa from 15 Chinese histories