Little China (ideology)
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Little China Ideology | |||||||
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Chinese name | |||||||
Traditional Chinese | |||||||
Simplified Chinese | |||||||
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Vietnamese name | |||||||
Vietnamese alphabet | Tiểu Trung Hoa | ||||||
Chữ Hán | |||||||
Korean name | |||||||
Hangul | 소중화 | ||||||
Hanja | |||||||
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Japanese name | |||||||
Kanji | |||||||
Kana | しょうちゅうか | ||||||
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Little China refers to a politico-cultural ideology and phenomenon in which various Japanese, Korean and Vietnamese regimes identified themselves as the "Central State" and regarded themselves to be legitimate successors to the Chinese civilization.[1][2][3][4][5][6] Informed by the traditional Chinese concepts of Sinocentrism and Sino–barbarian dichotomy, this belief became more apparent after the Manchu-led Qing dynasty had superseded the Han-led Ming dynasty in China proper, as Tokugawa Japan, Joseon Korea and Nguyễn Vietnam, among others, perceived that "barbarians" had ruined the center of world civilization.[2][3][6][7][8][9][10]
Little China ideology in the Sinosphere
[edit]Since ancient times, the realm of "China" has not been a fixed or predetermined concept based on ethnicity or geographical location. According to the Spring and Autumn Annals, "Chinese" people who adopt the ways of the "barbarians" would be considered "barbarians", whereas "barbarians" who adopt the ways of the "Chinese" would be accepted as "Chinese".[11] Hence, the idea of "Chinese-ness" is a fluid concept and is defined through self-identification and cultural affiliation.
Having been heavily influenced by Chinese culture and political thoughts, numerous Korean, Vietnamese and Japanese regimes identified themselves with descriptive names that are traditionally associated with and used by China. At the same time, these regimes considered themselves as legitimate successors to Chinese culture and civilization.
Traditional name of China | Rendition in Korean | Rendition in Vietnamese | Rendition in Japanese |
---|---|---|---|
Mandarin: Zhōngguó MC: Ʈɨuŋkwək̚ |
Jungguk 중국 |
Trung Quốc Trung Quốc |
Chūgoku ちゅうごく |
Mandarin: Zhōnghuá MC: Ʈɨuŋɦˠua |
Junghwa[a] 중화 |
Trung Hoa Trung Hoa |
Chūka ちゅうか |
Mandarin: Huáxià MC: ꞪˠuaɦˠaX |
Hwaha 화하 |
Hoa Hạ Hoa Hạ |
Kaka かか |
Mandarin: Zhōngxià MC: ƮɨuŋɦˠaX |
Jungha 중하 |
Trung Hạ Trung Hạ |
Chūka ちゅうか |
Mandarin: Zhōngcháo MC: Ʈɨuŋʈˠiᴇu |
Jungjo 중조 |
Trung Triều Trung Triều |
Chūchō ちゅうちょう |
Mandarin: Shénzhōu MC: ʑiɪnt͡ɕɨu |
Sinju 신주 |
Thần Châu Thần Châu |
Shinshū しんしゅう |
Mandarin: Huá MC: Ɦˠua |
Hwa 화 |
Hoa Hoa |
Ka か |
Mandarin: Xià MC: ꞪˠaX |
Ha 하 |
Hạ Hạ |
Ka か |
Korea
[edit]According to the History of the Three Kingdoms, Silla adopted the clothing and customs of the Tang dynasty as a way of transforming its people from "barbarians" into "Hwa" (
[...] Gim Chun-chu entered the Tang dynasty, requested for [the right to] adopt Tang customs. The Emperor Taizong [of Tang] issued an edict in approval and bestowed [upon Gim Chun-chu] clothes and belts. [Gim Chun-chu] thus returned [to Silla] and enforced [Tang clothing and customs], thereby transforming barbarians into Hwa. Four years into the reign of King Munmu [of Silla], the clothing [style] of women was once again adjusted. The clothing and headwear [of Silla] became the same as those of Jungguk ever since.[12]
In the Ten Articles for Instruction, the King Taejo of Goryeo expressed his wish for the Goryeo dynasty to follow the example of the Emperor Yao and highlighted the influence of the Tang dynasty on Korea:
[...] while succession to the throne by one's eldest legitimate issue should be the rule, Yao abdicated in favor of Shun, for Danzhu was unworthy [of the throne]; this was indeed putting the interests of the state [ahead of one's personal feelings]. If the eldest legitimate son is unworthy [of the throne], let the second eldest succeed to the throne; if the second eldest, too, is unworthy [of the throne], select the brother the people consider the best qualified for the throne.[13][14]
[...] we the Orient, for our admiration for the ways of the Tang dynasty, have emulated its writings, objects, rites and music.[15][16]
The King Injong of Goryeo once issued an edict that urged the Koreans to discard the ways of the Khitan "barbarians" in favor of Chinese traditions:
[...] replicate and follow the ways of Hwaha, forbid the traditions of the Khitan barbarians [...][17]
The Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty labelled Korea as "Sojunghwa" (
Ever since Jizi arrived in the East, [his] enlightenment became widespread; males exhibited the qualities of martyrs, while females were chaste and upright; [hence Korea is] known in historiography as 'Sojunghwa'.[18]
"Ever since Jizi was enfeoffed, every [Korean] dynasty has been regarded as part of the realm [of China]. The Han dynasty established four commanderies [on the Korean Peninsula], while the Tang dynasty established an additional Fuyu Commandery. During the [extant] Ming dynasty, all eight provinces [of the Joseon dynasty] are placed under [the administration of] Liaodong; all [Joseon] clothing, headwear, writings and objects follow the style of Hwa; [the Ming dynasty] conferred upon the [Joseon] king a seal, appointing him [the responsibility of] governance [...][19]
The court-commissioned Comprehensive Mirror of the Eastern State by Seo Geo-jeong highlighted the Chinese influence on Korea:
All [Joseon] clothing and institutions mirror that of Jungguk, thus [the Joseon dynasty] is known as 'the state of poetry, books, rites and music', and 'the state of benevolence and righteousness'; these were introduced by Jizi, so how could these be untrue![20]
In the 17th century, when the Manchu-led Qing dynasty replaced the Han-led Ming dynasty as the ruling dynasty of China proper, the Joseon dynasty believed that the Qing dynasty was unworthy of succeeding the politico-cultural orthodoxy of "China". Instead, the Confucianist Joseon dynasty asserted itself as the legitimate heir to the Chinese civilization and termed itself "Little Central Kingdom".[1]
Sojunghwa is closely related to the classical sadaejuui.[21]
Vietnam
[edit]
Numerous Vietnamese dynasties attempted to replicate the Chinese tributary system in Southeast Asia, whilst maintaining tributary relations with Chinese dynasties.[22] Vietnamese monarchs of multiple dynasties adopted the imperial title "hoàng đế" (
In the old days, until [the reign of] Pan Geng, the Shang dynasty shifted [its capital] five times; until [the reign of] the King Cheng [of Zhou], the Zhou dynasty relocated its capital three times. How could the monarchs of the Three Dynasties [of Ancient China] who moved [their capitals] be motivated by personal gains? They did so [out of a desire] to expand their territories or [in search of] a centralized location [for better governance], all for the good of the people.[24]
The Complete Annals of Đại Việt used "Trung Quốc" (
[...] [the Lý dynasty] once again launched a massive attack on the Song dynasty in the Qin Prefecture and the Lian Prefecture, with the intent of rescuing the people of Trung Quốc afflicted by Song's implementation of the Green Sprouts Law.[25]
[...] [Lý Nhân Tông] ordered Lý Thường Kiệt to launch a campaign against Champa. At the start, Lý Giác fled to Champa and disclosed information on Trung Quốc [...][26]
Amidst Hồ's usurpation of the Trần throne, the Ming dynasty [launched] a southward invasion, annexed our territories, subjugated our people, [enforced] strict laws and punishments, [implemented] heavy taxes and labor. The heroic individuals of Trung Quốc frequently feinted as [submissive] officials [of the Ming dynasty] to keep the North at ease.[27]
Lê Thái Tổ once issued an edict that adopted "Trung Quốc" (
The [Ming] larcenists were in Trung Quốc, [the livelihood of] the people were still unstable, did you have a peace of mind? Previously [when] the Hồ clan was immoral, the [Ming] larcenists thus seized our country. The abuses [perpetuated by the Ming dynasty] were witnessed by all.[28]
In 1470, in preparation for his invasion of Champa, Lê Thánh Tông issued an edict which referred to the Later Lê dynasty and earlier Vietnamese regimes as "Trung Quốc" (
Since ancient times, barbarians have posed a threat to Trung Quốc; thus the sage-king embarked on military campaigns to deter all under Heaven.[29]
In 1479, Lê Thánh Tông issued an edict to justify his invasion of Muang Phuan. In the edict, "Trung Hạ" (
I [intend to] follow the pioneering steps of my ancestors, propagate and implement a magnificent plan, rule over Trung Hạ, pacify the outer barbarians.[30]
The Nguyễn dynasty considered itself the legitimate heir to the Chinese civilization.[31] Gia Long Đế once used "Trung Quốc" (
Trung Quốc vis-à-vis the outer barbarians [is akin to] the [properly] governed vis-à-vis the ungoverned [...][32]
The late king governed all under Heaven [by adhering to the principle that] Hạ should not intermix with the barbarians [...][33]
The Imperially-commissioned Annotated Text Reflecting the Complete History of Việt referred to the Nguyễn dynasty as "Thần Châu" (
Until the numerous sages of our dynasty laid the foundation in the South, our Thế Tổ, the Emperor Cao, pacified Thần Châu and ruled over the entirety of Việt, [with Nguyễn territories] bordering the sea to the east, Yunnan to the west, the Khmer barbarians to the south and Liangguang to the north. The expansiveness of [Nguyễn] territories was hitherto unmatched [by prior Vietnamese dynasties].[34]
In the Poems on the Way to Min, Lý Văn Phức (a descendent of Ming Chinese refugees) escorted some stranded Chinese sailors back to Fujian province. However, when he arrived there, the guesthouse where he was supposed to stay had a sign over it which indicated that it was for "barbarians." Lý Văn Phức defended his position with an essay that highlighted that Vietnam followed the ways of China without the Manchurian influences of the 17th century and therefore should be considered "Hoa" (
In terms of governance and law, [Vietnam] follows [the ways of] the Two Emperors and Three Kings [of Ancient China]; in terms of [Confucian] orthodoxy, [Vietnam] adheres to [the teachings of] the Six Classics and Four Books, and subscribes to the schools of thought of Confucius, Mencius, Cheng Hao, Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi. In terms of knowledge, [Vietnam] consults The Commentary of Zuo, Discourses of the States and [the works of] Ban Gu and Sima Qian; in terms of writings, [Vietnamese] poetries and rhapsodies imitate [the styles of] the Selections of Refined Literature and that of Li Bai and Du Fu; in terms of calligraphies and paintings, [Vietnamese works] emulate [the styles of] the Rites of Zhou and the Six Methods and that of Zhong Yao and Wang Xizhi. [The procedures of] selecting the virtuous for government positions [in Vietnam have their roots in] the Han and Tang dynasties; the belts and headwear [of Vietnam originate from] the clothing [styles] of the Song and Ming dynasties. Since [Vietnam] follows the ways [of China], yet if [China considers the Vietnamese] as barbarians; how, then, do you define the meaning of Hoa?[35]
Japan
[edit]Fujiwara no Hirotsugu once presented a memorial to the throne, referring to Japan as "Chūgoku" (
The northern barbarians Emishi and the western barbarians Hayato, [with] natural dispositions [akin to] wolves, revolt easily and whose wild ambitions cannot be easily tamed. Since ancient times, [whenever] Chūgoku has sages, [the barbarians] would subsequently submit; [whenever] the court experiences [political] instability, [the barbarians] would rebel at the earliest opportunity [...][36]
The Chronicles of Japan used "Chūgoku" (
The Extended Chronicles of Japan referred to Japan as "Chūgoku" (
This [marked] the start of contact between the Tokan Island and Chūgoku.[38]
When the Empress Genmei yielded the throne to the Empress Genshō, Japan was referred to as "Kaka" (
[Her] wisdom, lenience and kindness [are] bestowed by Heaven. [She is] placid and personable. Kaka [will last] an eternity. [She is] widely praised. Today, the imperial throne [will be] passed to the princess.[39]
After the Qing dynasty had replaced the Ming dynasty in China proper, Japanese scholars declared that the Qing dynasty did not have the legitimacy to represent the politico-cultural realm of "China" whilst simultaneously explicitly identifying Japan as "China". In Kai Hentai by Hayashi Gahō and Hayashi Hōkō, it was argued that Japan had replaced the Qing dynasty as the center of Chinese civilization.[40] In Chūchō Jijitsu by Yamaga Sokō, "Chūchō" (
During the Meiji Restoration, the Emperor Meiji once issued an edict that referred to Japan as "Ka" (
[There is a] need to urgently rectify the nominal relations between the monarch and the officials, to make clear the distinctions between Ka and the barbarians and between the inner and outer domains, so as to uphold the cardinal principles of all under Heaven.[42]
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ The prefix So- (
小 ; 소), meaning "little", is sometimes affixed to Junghwa in Korean writings to refer to Korean dynasties.
References
[edit]- ^ a b Chan, Robert Kong (2017). Korea-China Relations in History and Contemporary Implications. Springer. p. 10. ISBN 9783319622651.
- ^ a b Kim, Youngmin (2018). A History of Chinese Political Thought. John Wiley & Sons. p. 220. ISBN 9781509523160.
- ^ a b Wang, Q. Edward; Fillafer, Franz; Iggers, Georg (2007). The Many Faces of Clio: Cross-cultural Approaches to Historiography. Berghahn Books. p. 251. ISBN 9781845452704.
- ^ Kelley, Liam (2005). Beyond the Bronze Pillars: Envoy Poetry and the Sino-Vietnamese Relationship. University of Hawaii Press. p. 9. ISBN 9780824874001.
- ^ Alpert, William (2005). The Vietnamese Economy and Its Transformation to an Open Market System. M.E. Sharpe. p. 17. ISBN 9780765606693.
- ^ a b Fong, Brian; Wu, Jieh-min; Nathan, Andrew (2020). China's Influence and the Center-periphery Tug of War in Hong Kong, Taiwan and Indo-Pacific. Routledge. ISBN 9781000284263.
- ^ Horesh, Niv; Kim, Hyun Jin; Mauch, Peter (2014). Superpower, China? Historicizing Beijing's New Narratives Of Leadership And East Asia's Response Thereto. World Scientific. p. 82. ISBN 9789814619172.
- ^ "Seoul Journal of Korean Studies". 2004.
- ^ Berger, Stefan (2007-07-12). Writing the Nation: A Global Perspective. Springer. ISBN 9780230223059.
- ^ Lee, Jeong-Mi (2010) "Choso˘n Korea as Sojunghwa, the Small Central Civilization: Sadae kyorin Policy and Relations with Ming/Qing China and Tokugawa Japan in the Seventeenth Century" Archived 2014-12-17 at the Wayback Machine Asian cultural studies (36), 305-318, International Christian University
- ^ Zhang, Yun (2006).
西藏 历史问题研究 .中国 藏 学 出版 社 . p. 201. ISBN 9787800577475.夷狄 入 中国 ,则中国 之 ,中国 入 夷狄 ,则夷狄之。 - ^ History of the Three Kingdoms. Vol. 33.
金 春秋 入唐 ,請襲唐 儀 ,太 宗 皇帝 詔 可 之 ,兼 賜 衣帶 ,遂 還 來 施行 ,以夷易 華 ,文武 王 在位 四 年 ,又 革 婦人 之 服 ,自 此已後 ,衣冠 同 於中國 - ^ History of Goryeo. Vol. 2.
傳 國 以嫡,雖曰常 禮 ,然 丹 朱 不肖 ,堯禪於舜,實 爲 公 心 。若 元子 不肖 ,與 其次子 又 不肖 ,與 其兄弟 之 衆 所 推戴 者 ,俾承大 統 。 - ^ Lee, Peter (2010). Sourcebook of Korean Civilization. Vol. 1. p. 264. ISBN 9780231515290.
- ^ History of Goryeo. Vol. 2.
惟 我 東方 ,舊 慕唐風 ,文物 禮樂 ,悉遵其制。 - ^ Kang, Jae-eun (2006). The Land of Scholars: Two Thousand Years of Korean Confucianism. p. 77. ISBN 9781931907378.
- ^ History of Goryeo. Vol. 16.
景 行 華 夏 之 法 ,切 禁 丹 狄之俗 - ^ "Veritable Records of Seongjong". Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty.
吾 東方 自 箕 子 以來 ,教化 大 行 ,男 有 烈士 之 風 ,女 有 貞 正之 俗 ,史 稱 小 中華 。 - ^ "Veritable Records of Seonjo". Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty.
我國 自 箕 子 受封之 後 ,歷代 皆 視 為 內服,漢 時 置 四 郡 ,唐 增置 扶餘郡 。至 於大 明 ,以八道 郡 縣 ,皆 隸於遼東 ,衣冠 文物 ,一 從 華 制 ,委 國王 御寶 以治事 - ^ Comprehensive Mirror of the Eastern State.
衣冠 制度 ,悉同乎中國 ,故 曰詩書 禮樂 之 邦 ,仁義 之 國 也,而箕子 始 之 ,豈 不 信哉 ! - ^ 정창수, ed. (2017). K-Potential: 한반도와 한국인의 잠재력. e퍼플. ISBN 9788969339843.
- ^ Ngaosīvat, Mayurī; Ngaosyvathn, Pheuiphanh (2001). Vietnamese Source Materials concerning the 1827 Conflict between the Court of Siam and the Lao Principalities. Vol. 1. Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies for Unesco, the Toyo Bunko. p. 28. ISBN 9784896561111.
- ^ Complete Annals of Đại Việt. Vol. Prologue.
北朝 歷代 主 皆 書 帝 ,以與我 各 帝 一方 也。 - ^ Edict on the Transfer of the Capital. "
昔 商家 至 盤 庚 五 遷。周 室 迨成王 三 徙。豈 三代之數君徇于己私。妄自遷徙。以其圖 大宅 中 。爲 億 万 世 子孫 之 計 。" - ^ Complete Annals of Đại Việt. Vol. 3.
又 大 舉伐宋 欽、廉 州 ,聲 言 宋 行 清 苗 役 法 ,殘害 中 國民 ,興 師 問 之 ,欲 相 救 也。 - ^ Complete Annals of Đại Việt. Vol. 3.
命 李 常 傑 伐 占 城 。初 ,李 覺 亡 占 城 ,言 中國 虛實 - ^ Complete Annals of Đại Việt. Vol. 10.
時 胡 簒陳祚,明人 南侵 ,郡 縣 我 彊 域 ,臣 妾 我 兆 庶,法 峻 刑 苛,賦 繁 役 重 。凡中國 豪傑 之 士 ,多 陽 假 以官,安 𢮿于北。 - ^ Complete Annals of Đại Việt. Vol. 10.
賊 在中 國 ,民 猶 未定 ,於汝安乎 。昔 胡 氏 無道 ,賊 因 此而奪 我國 家 。虐 害 之 中 ,爾 眾已見 之 矣。 - ^ Zhu, Yunying (1981).
中國 文化 對 日 韓 越 的 影響 .蓋 自 古 夷狄 為 患中國 ,故 聖王 弧 矢 以威天下 。 - ^ Xie, Xuanjun (2017).
少数 民族 入 主 中国 史 略 . Lulu.com. p. 6. ISBN 9781387255351.朕 丕绳祖 武 ,光 御 洪 图,莅 中 夏 ,抚外夷 - ^ Xie, Xuanjun (2016).
第 三 中国 论. Lulu.com. p. 202. ISBN 9781329800250. - ^
中華 文化 復興 月刊 . Vol. 88–93. 1975.中國 之 於外夷 ,治 以不治 - ^ Xie, Xuanjun (2016).
第 三 中国 论. Lulu.com. p. 202. ISBN 9781329800250.先王 经理天下 ,夏 不 杂夷 - ^ Imperially-commissioned Annotated Text Reflecting the Complete History of Việt. Vol. 1.
逮我
國 朝 列聖 ,肇 基 南 服 ,奉 我 世 祖 高 皇帝 大 定 神州 ,奄有全 越 ,東 際 大海 ,西 接 雲南 ,南 接 高 蠻,北 接 兩 廣 ,幅員 之 大 ,前 此未之 有 也。 - ^ "Discourses on the Barbarians". Poems on the Way to Min.
以言乎治
法 ,則 本 之 二 帝 三 王 ;以言乎道統 ,則 本 之 六經 四 子 ,家 孔 孟 而戶朱 程 也。其學也,源 左 國 而溯班 馬 ;其文也 ,詩賦 則 昭明 文選 而以李 杜 為 歸依 ;字畫 則 周 禮 六書而以鍾王為楷式。賓 賢 取 士 ,漢 唐 之 科目 也;博 帶 峩冠,宋 明 之 衣服 也。推而舉之,其大也如是 。而謂之 夷 ,則 正 不知 其何如為華 也。 - ^ Great History of Japan. Vol. 117.
北狄 蝦夷 、西戎 隼 俗 ,狠性易 亂 ,野心 離 馴。往古 已 來 ,中國 有 聖 則 後 服 ,朝 堂 有 變則 先 叛 - ^ The Chronicles of Japan. Vol. 14.
新 羅 不 事 中國 。 - ^ Extended Chronicles of Japan. Vol. 1.
其度
感 嶋 通 中國 於是始 矣。 - ^ Extended Chronicles of Japan. Vol. 6.
天 縱 寛仁 。沈靜 婉孌。華 夏 載 佇。謳訟知 歸 。今 傳 皇帝 位 於内親王 。 - ^ Ng, Wai-ming (2019). Imagining China in Tokugawa Japan: Legends, Classics, and Historical Terms. SUNY Press. p. xvii. ISBN 9781438473086.
- ^ Davis, Bret (2019). The Oxford Handbook of Japanese Philosophy. Oxford University Press. p. 294. ISBN 9780199945726.
- ^ "
明治 時代 における史学 の確立 に関 して ―漢学 、国学 とランケ史学 の狭間 に" (PDF): 1.須ク
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