(Translated by https://www.hiragana.jp/)
zhao-mu 昭穆 (www.chinaknowledge.de)
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zhao-mu あきらきよし, intra-lineage rank system

Feb 20, 2019 © Ulrich Theobald

The zhao-mu system (zhao-mu zhidu あきらきよし制度せいど) is mainly known for the arrangement of spirit tablets in an ancestral temple. It dates from the early Western Zhou period 西にしあまね (11th cent.-770 BCE) and found its major form in the 8th century. It is usually described as an arrangement in which the high ancestor (taizu ふとし, gaozu 高祖こうそ) is placed in the middle, while younger ancestors were placed crosswise to the left and right, but in a turned-U shape. In the original form, each of the seven ancestors venerated by the then-present king of the Zhou dynasty しゅう (11th cent.-221 BCE) was given a separate building, but from the Han period かん (206 BCE-220 CE) on, ancestors were assembled in one single temple hall.

The chapter "Royal regulations" (Wangzhi 王制おうせい) in the ritual Classic Liji れい says,
Quotation 1. The zhao-mu system in ancestral temples
天子てんしななびょうさん昭三しょうぞうきよしあずかだいびょう而七。諸侯しょこうびょう昭二しょうじきよしあずかだいびょう而五。大夫たいふさんびょう一昭かずあきいちきよしあずかだいびょう而三。いちびょう,庶人さい於寢。 (The ancestral temple of) the Son of Heaven embraced seven fanes (or smaller temples); three on the left and three on the right, and that of his great ancestor (fronting the south) - in all, seven. (The temple of) the regional rulers embraced five such fanes: those of two on the left, and two on the right, and that of his great ancestor - in all, five. Grand masters had three fanes: one on the left, one on the right, and that of his great ancestor - in all, three. Servicemen had (only) one. The common people presented their offerings in their (principal) apartment.
Translation by Legge (1885), slightly changed.

Even if there are some attempts at reconstruction of such an arrangement, the real shape remains unclear, for instance, if the "fanes" of the two wings were facing each other or placed in the same direction as the fane of the High Ancestor, or whether each fane included a "hall" (gong みや) and a "sleeping chamber" (qin ). There might have been separate buildings in the original shape, but Emperor Ming かんあかりみかど (r. 57-75 CE) of the Later Han かん (25-220 CE) decided not to arrange for a temple for himself, but ordered to venerate his soul in the temple of his father (Li 2016a: 35, FN3).

Figure 1. Reconstruction of an ancestral hall
Reconstruction of the Zhou ancestral temple by Jiao Xun こげ循 (1763-1820), from Qunjing gongshi tu ぐんけい宮室きゅうしつ. Click to enlarge.

The sense behind the zhao-mu system is explained in the Liji れい (ch. Jitong まつりみつる):
Quotation 2. The zhao-mu system during sacrifices
おっとさいゆうあきらきよしあきらきよししゃしょ以别父子ふし遠近えんきん長幼ちょうようおや疏之じょ而無らん也。有事ゆうじ于大びょうのりぐんあきらぐんきよし咸在而不しつ其倫。此之いいしん疏之ころせ也。 At the sacrifice the parties taking part in it were arranged on the left and right, according to their order of descent from the common ancestor, and thus the distinction was maintained between the order of fathers and sons, the near and the distant, the older and the younger, the more nearly related and the more distantly, and there, was no confusion. Therefore at the services in the grand ancestral temple, all in the two lines of descent were present, and no one failed to receive his proper place in their common relationship. This was what was called (showing) the distance gradually increasing between relatives.
Translation by Legge (1885).

From this description it can be seen that zhao-mu was an alternating system (fu zi yi qi hao xu 父子ふしえき其號じょ; Yan Shigu's かお commentary on the Hanshu 漢書かんしょ) to discern generations: If the father has the position zhao, the son has the position mu, and the grandson again the position zhao (fu zhao zi mu, sun fu wei zhao ちち昭子あきこきよしまごふくためあきら). Yan Shigu further explains the term zhao あきら as "brilliant" (ming あきら), and mu きよし as "beautiful" (mei よし), yet in fact, the meaning of the two words does not play a role.

The system was used to clarify the generational position of persons related to the royal house, like Kang Shu やすし叔, who was "zhao to King Wen" (Wen zhi zhao ye ぶんあきら也), meaning that he was a generation younger than King Wen.

From the Tang period とう (618-907) on scholars became aware that the system was also used to designate older and younger brothers. Bai (1997) even goes so far to say that the system was originally used to rank brothers before it was applied to the ranking of generations. It was revived during the Warring States period 戰國せんごく (5th cent.-221 BCE) in the shape of the "older brother system" (dizhang zhi 嫡長せい), according to which the oldest son of the primary consort inherited all rights of his father. These inheritance rights are actually older and date likewise from the Western Zhou period in the shape of the lineage system (zongfa 宗法しゅうほう), according to which the oldest son or heir of his father, established a "great lineage" (dazong 大宗たいそう), while his younger brothers were just founders of "small lineages" (xiaozong しょうむね) (Li 2016a).

It seems that the zhao-mu system remained mainly for the arrangement of tombs and fanes or spirit tablets in ancestral temples. It originated in the sphere of burials, and its use in ancestral temples was only an adaption as a convenient mode of transferring the sacrifices from the tomb sites to a temple complex close to the living spaces (Li 2016a).

The book Xunzi 荀子 (ch. Wangzhi 王制おうせい) sees the zhao-mu system as the most basic distinctions if the borders of social classes are not yet fixed (fen wei ding ye, ze you zhao-mu ye ぶん未定みてい也,のりゆうあきら繆[=きよし]也). The zhao-mu ranking was apparently not perceived as a comprehensive system, but rather as a fundamental mode of ranking the status of individuals.

To date none of the ancestral temples of the Zhou dynasty have been found, neither any tomb of a Zhou king. Yet it is possible to demonstrate the application of the zhao-mu system in burials of several of the regional rulers.

The ritual Classic Zhouli しゅうあや (part Chunguan はるかん) explains that the grave maker (zhongren 冢人) divinated about an ideal place for the "public" tombs (gongmu おおやけ), and drew a chart, with the former king (xianwang 先王せんおう) in the middle and his zhao and mu descendants to the left and right (zhao-mu wei zuoyou あきらきよし为左みぎ). The regional rulers should be buried in front of the two zhao-mu wings (zhuhou ju zuoyou yi qian 諸侯しょこうきょ左右さゆう以前いぜん), and the ministers and grand masters behind them (qing dafu ju hou きょう大夫たいふきょ), each with his kinsmen (ge yi qi zu かく以其ぞく). The Han-period commentator Zheng Xuan ていげん (127-200) added the information that zhao was to the left, mu to the right, and the interspace extending in east-west direction (?).

This custom pertained not just to the burials of the elite, but also to that of commoners, as Jia Gongyan's 賈公彥 (mid-7th cent.) commentary on the Zhouli chapter "Grand Master of Cemeteries" (mu dafu はか大夫たいふ) holds.

The practical application of the zhao-mu method is attested in the two rows of tombs around M166 in Zhangjiapo はり坡 close to the ancient residence or "capital" Feng 酆 west of Xi'an 西安しーあん, Shaanxi (1996a), as well as in the tombs of the Marquesses of Jin すすむ in Zhaocun ちょうむら near Quwo きょく沃, Shanxi, and that of the state of Guo 虢 in Shangcunling 上村うえむら岭 near Sanmenxia さんもんかい, Henan. Not all cases perfectly fit with the description in the Zhouli (Gao 2002).

Even if the zhao-mu system was basically a system of tomb arrangement (Wu 2012), it extended to the arrangement of ancestral temples, sacrifices for them, banquets, and weddings (Li 1990). Only spouses of the right generation could be the mates for young men.

The correct order of the zhao-mu system was also respected during banquets and sacrificial rites, for instance, for the ceremony of circulating the wine beaker (lü chou たびむくい). The chief sacrificer (zhuji zhe 主祭しゅさいしゃ) handed the cup over (ci jue たまもの爵) to the assistants (zhuji zhe 助祭じょさいしゃ), and the latter to the correct group of participants, as the Liji chapter Dazhuan 大傳だいでん explains.

Quotation 3. The zhao-mu system during banquets
上治うえじ、禰,みことみこと也;子孫しそんおやおや也;つくりこんおとうとごうぞく以食,じょ以昭繆,べつ これ以禮よし人道じんどう竭矣。 Thus [the king] regulated the services to be rendered to his father and grandfather before him—giving honour to the most honourable. He regulated the places to be given to his sons and grandsons below him—showing his affection to his kindred. He regulated (also) the observances for the collateral branches of his cousins;-associating all their members in the feasting. He defined their places according to their order of descent; and his every distinction was in harmony with what was proper and right. In this way the procedure of human duty was made complete.
Translation by Legge (1885).

The posthumous honorific titles of the Zhou kings Zhao しゅうあきらおう and Mu しゅうきよしおう have nothing to do with the zhao-mu system (Li 1996a). The theory that the zhao-mu system originated in a matriarchal system must be discarded (Guo 1986).

Sources:
Bai Hongjian はくひろしけん (1997). "Zhoudai zhao-mu zhidu bian しゅうだいあきらきよし制度せいどべん", Jinzhng shizhuan xuebao すすむ中師ちゅうしせんがくむくい, 1997/1: 19-21.
Gao Zhiqun だかさとしぐん (2002). "Cong Jin hou mudi lun Shang-Zhou mudi zhidu de ji ge wenti したがえすすむこう墓地ぼちろんしょうしゅう墓地ぼち制度せいどてきいく問題もんだい", Shilin ふみりん, 2002/1: 1-7.
Guo Zhengkai かくまさし凱 (1986). "Lun zhao-mu zhidu de qiyuan ji yanxu ろんあきらきよし制度せいどてき起源きげん及延ぞく", Shaanxi shifan xue xuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 陝西せんせい師範しはん大學だいがくがくほう哲學てつがく社會しゃかい科學かがくばん), 1986/1: 77-85.
Jiao Xun こげ循 (1793). Qunjing gongshi tu ぐんけい宮室きゅうしつ (Huang-Qing jingjie xubian すめらぎきよしけいかい續編ぞくへん edition).
Li Hengmei 衡眉 (1990). "Zhao-mu zhidu yu Zhouren zaoqi hunyin xingshi あきらきよし制度せいどあずかしゅうじん早期そうき婚姻こんいん形式けいしき", Lishi yanjiu 歷史れきし研究けんきゅう, 1990/2: 12-25.
Li Hengmei 衡眉 (1996). Zhao-mu zhidu yanjiu あきらきよし制度せいど研究けんきゅう (Beijing: Qi-Lu shushe).
Li Hengmei 衡眉 (1996a). "Zhao-mu zhidu yu zongfa zhidu guanxi lunlüe あきらきよし制度せいどあずか宗法しゅうほう制度せいど關係かんけいりんりゃく", Lishi yanjiu 歷史れきし研究けんきゅう, 1996/2: 26-36.
Wu Guangxue 武光たけみつゆき (2012). "Zhoudai zhao-mu zhidu xintan: Yi Zhoudai sangzang wei guanchadian しゅうだいあきらきよし制度せいどしんさがせ——以周だいそうため觀察かんさつてん", Yuncheng xueyuan xuebao うんじょう學院がくいんがくむくい, 2012/6: 56-59.