Proto-Hmong–Mien language
Proto-Hmong-Mien | |
---|---|
Proto-Miao–Yao | |
Reconstruction of | Hmong-Mien languages |
Region | Yangtze River Basin |
Era | c. 500 BCE |
Lower-order reconstructions |
Proto-Hmong–Mien (PHM), also known as Proto-Miao–Yao (PMY; Chinese:
Historical chronology
[edit]Ratliff (2021) estimates that the split between Hmongic and Mienic had occurred before 2500 BP, since the Old Chinese words
In earlier studies, the date of proto-Hmong-Mien has been estimated to be about 2500 BP by Sagart, Blench, and Sanchez-Mazas (2004),[2] as well as by Ratliff (2021:247).[1] It has been estimated to about 4243 BP by the Automated Similarity Judgment Program (ASJP),[3] however, ASJP is not widely accepted among historical linguists as a sufficiently rigorous method to establish or evaluate relationships between language families, since it only makes use of 40 basic vocabulary items.[4]
Reconstructions
[edit]Reconstructions of Proto-Hmong–Mien include the following.[5]
- Herbert Purnell (1970)[6] is the first comprehensive reconstruction of Proto-Hmong-Mien, Proto-Hmongic, and Proto-Mienic.
- Wang Fushi & Mao Zongwu (1995)[7] is the first comprehensive reconstruction of Proto-Hmong-Mien by Chinese scholars.
- Chen Qiguang (2001)[8] reconstructs Proto-Hmong-Mien based on 15 datapoints: Hmu (Yanghao 养蒿), Qo Xiong (Layiping 腊乙
坪 ), Hmong (Dananshan大南 山 ), Xijia (Shibanzhai石板 寨), Pa Hng (Gundong 滚董), Younuo (Huangluo黄 落), Dongnu (Qibainong七 百 弄 ), Nunu (Xishan西山 ), She (Xiashuicun下水 村 ), Jiongnai (Longhua 龙华), Pana (Xinle新 乐), Iu Mien (Dapingjiang大 坪江 ), Kim Mun (Yanyuan烟 园 in Qiongzhong County 琼中县, Hainan), Biao Min (Shuanglong双 龙), Zao Min (Daping大坪 ). A revised reconstruction was later published as Chen (2013).[9] - Wu Anqi (2002)[10] reconstructs approximately 100 Swadesh list items for Proto-Hmong-Mien.
- Martha Ratliff (2010) is the first comprehensive reconstruction of Proto-Hmong-Mien by a Western scholar since Purnell (1970).
- Weera Ostapirat (2016)[11] proposes sesquisyllables and velarization in Proto-Hmong-Mien initials, parallel to sesquisyllables and pharyngealization in Old Chinese.
- Li Yunbing (2018)[12] reconstructs Proto-Hmong-Mien initials and finals, which are listed separately.
In China, the first comprehensive reconstruction of Proto-Hmongic (Proto-Miao) was undertaken by Wang Fushi (1979).[13] Wang's 1979 manuscript was subsequently revised and published as Wang (1994).[14]
Proto-Mienic (Proto-Mjuenic; reconstruction excludes Biao Min and Zao Min) has been reconstructed by Luang-Thongkum (1993).[15] A comprehensive reconstruction of Proto-Mienic has been published by Liu (2021).[16]
Ratliff (2010)
[edit]Martha Ratliff (2010) used 11 criterion languages for her reconstruction.
- East Hmongic (Qiandong); Northern vernacular: Yanghao 养蒿, Yanghao Township, Taijiang County, Guizhou
- North Hmongic (Xiangxi); Western vernacular: Jiwei
吉 卫, Jiwei Township, Huayuan County, Hunan - West Hmongic (Chuanqiandian): White Hmong of Laos and Thailand
- West Hmongic (Chuanqiandian); Mashan subdialect, Central vernacular: Zongdi
宗 地 , Zongdi Township, Ziyun County, Guizhou - West Hmongic (Chuanqiandian); Luobohe subdialect: Fuyuan 复员, Fuyuan County, Yunnan
- Hmongic; Jiongnai: Changdong Township 长垌, Jinxiu County, Guangxi
- Hmongic; Baiyun Pa-Hng: Baiyun
白 云 , Rongshui County, Guangxi - Mienic; Mien, Luoxiang vernacular: Luoxiang Township 罗香, Jinxiu County, Guangxi
- Mienic; Mun: Lanjin Township 览金, Lingyun County, Guangxi
- Mienic; Biao Min: Dongshan Yao Township 东山, Quanzhou County, Guangxi
- Mienic; Zao Min: Daping Township
大平 , Liannan County, Guangdong
Wang & Mao (1995)
[edit]Wang & Mao (1995) base their Proto-Hmong–Mien reconstruction on the following 23 criterion Hmong-Mien languages.
- Yanghao 养蒿; Hmu, North (ISO 639-3: [hea])
- Jiwei
吉 卫; Qo Xiong, West [mmr] - Xianjin
先 进 ( = Dananshan大南 山 ); Chuanqiandian Miao, 1st lect [cqd] - Shimenkan
石 门坎; Diandongbei Miao [hmd] - Qingyan
青岩 ;[a] Guiyang Miao, North [huj] - Gaopo
高 坡; Huishui Miao, North [hmi] - Zongdi
宗 地 ; Mashan Miao, Central [hmm] - Fuyuan 复员;[b] Luobohe Miao, 2nd lect [hml]
- Fengxiang 枫香; Chong'anjiang Miao [hmj]
- Qibainong
七 百 弄 ; Bunu, Dongnu [bwx] - Yaoli
瑶 里 ;[c] Nao Klao, Baonuo [bwx] - Wenjie
文 界 ; Pa-Hng, Sanjiang [pha] - Changdong 长峒; Jiongnai [pnu]
- Duozhu
多 祝 ;[d] She [shx] - Jiangdi
江 底 ; Iu Mien, Guangdian [ium] - Xiangjiang 湘江; Iu Mien, Xiangnan [ium]
- Luoxiang 罗香; Luoxiang Mien a.k.a. Ao Biao [ium]
- Changping 长坪; Changping Mien a.k.a. Biao Mon [ium]
- Liangzi
梁 子 ; Kim Mun [mji] - Lanjin 览金; Kim Mun [mji]
- Dongshan 东山; Biao Mon, Dongshan [bmt]
- Sanjiang
三江 ; Biao Mon, Shikou a.k.a. Chao Kong Meng [bmt] - Daping
大坪 ; Dzao Min [bpn]
Phonology
[edit]Ratliff (2010)
[edit]Martha Ratliff's 2010 reconstruction contains the following phonemic inventory.
- 51–54 consonants (including pre-glottalized and pre-nasalized consonants)
- 9 monophthong vowels
- 7 diphthongs
- 11 nasal rimes
The full set of Proto-Hmong–Mien initial consonants is (Ratliff 2010: 31):
Bilabial | Alveolar | Postalveolar | Palatal | Velar | Uvular | Glottal | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Plain stop | aspirated | pʰ | tʰ | tsʰ | cʰ | kʰ | ||
voiceless | p | t | ts | c | k | q/(qʷ) | ʔ | |
voiced | b | d | dz | ɟ | ɡ | ɢ | ||
Pre-nasalized stop | aspirated | ᵐpʰ | ⁿtʰ | ⁿtsʰ | ᶮcʰ | ᵑkʰ | ||
voiceless | ᵐp | ⁿt | ⁿts | ᶮc | ᵑk | ᶰq | ||
voiced | ᵐb | ⁿd | ⁿdz | ᶮɟ | ᵑɡ | ᶰɢ | ||
Nasal | voiced | m | n | ɲ/(ɲʷ) | (ŋ)/(ŋʷ) | |||
pre-glottalized | ˀm | ˀn | ˀɲ | |||||
aspirated | ʰm | ʰn | ʰɲ | |||||
Glide | voiced | w | j | |||||
pre-glottalized | ˀw | ˀj | ||||||
aspirated | (ʰw) | ʰj | ||||||
Fricative | voiceless | s | ɕ | h | ||||
voiced | (ɣ) | (ɦ) |
The 3 medial consonants are *-j-, *-l-, and *-r-. The 6 final stop consonants are *-p, *-t, *-k, *-m, *-n, and *-ŋ.
The Proto-Hmong–Mien vowels are (11 total) (Ratliff 2010: 108):
Front | Central | Back | |
---|---|---|---|
High | i | ɨ, ʉ | u |
Mid-high | e | o | |
Central | ə | ||
Mid-low | ɛ | ɔ | |
Near-low | æ | ||
Low | a |
Proto-Hmong–Mien has the following syllable structure (Ratliff 2010:10):
(C) C [j/w/l] [i̯/u̯] (V) V C (C)T
Ratliff (2010) does not reconstruct vowel length for either Proto-Mienic or Proto-Hmong–Mien; in contrast, Li (2018) reconstructs vowel length for both.[12] Even though Mienic languages usually have vowel length, Ratliff ascribes this to areal features that were borrowed after the breakup of Proto-Mienic.[17] Neighboring languages with vowel length include Yue Chinese and Zhuang.
Ostapirat (2016)
[edit]Ostapirat (2016)[11] revises various reconstructed Proto-Hmong–Mien consonant initials proposed by Ratliff (2010). He suggests that many proto-initials are in fact sesquisyllables, in line with Baxter & Sagart's (2014) Old Chinese reconstruction and Pittayaporn's (2009) Proto-Tai reconstruction. Examples include reconstructing *m.l- and *m.r- where Ratliff (2010) reconstructs *mbl- and *mbr-, respectively. Hmong-Mien presyllables are further discussed in Strecker (2021).[18]
Ostapirat (2016) also reconstructs velarized initial consonants (*Cˠ-) where Ratliff (2010) reconstructs -j- or -w-. Similarly, Norquest (2020) also reconstructs velarized initial consonants for Proto-Kra–Dai.[19]
Additionally, Ostapirat revises Ratliff's uvulars (*q-, etc.) as velars (*k-, etc.), and her palatals as either alveolars or palatals.
Below are some reconstructions from Ostapirat (2016) compared with those of Ratliff (2010).
Gloss | Proto-Hmong-Mien (Ostapirat 2016) |
Proto-Hmong-Mien (Ratliff 2010) |
Proto-Mienic (Ratliff 2010) |
Notes |
---|---|---|---|---|
fruit | *pˠeuB | *pji̯əuX | ||
float | *mbˠeuA | *mbi̯əuA | < OC 浮 | |
bedbug | *pˠiA | *pji | ||
three | *pˠuA | *pjɔu | ||
burn | *pˠuB | *pɔuB | ||
name | *mpˠuC | *mpɔuH | ||
hand | *bˠuB | *-bɔuX | ||
to know | *peiA | *pei | ||
to dream | *mpeiC | *mpeiH | ||
to sleep | *pˠeiC | *pu̯eiH | ||
to boil | *mpˠeiC | *mpuæiH | ||
to rake | *baA | *baA | < OC 耙 | |
thin | *bˠeD | *bi̯ɛkD | < OC | |
father | *pˠeB | *pjaX | < OC | |
to mend | *mpˠeB | *mpjaX | < OC | |
chaff | *mphˠeD | *mpʰi̯ɛk | ||
dog | *kluB | *qluwX | < OC | |
cucumber | *klˠaA | *Kʷa | < OC | |
to cross over | *klˠaiC | *KʷajH | < OC | |
wide | *klˠaŋB | *Kʷi̯aŋX | < OC | |
far | *klˠuA | *qʷuw | < OC | |
bear | *klˠepD | *qrep |
Taguchi (2023)
[edit]Taguchi (2023) discusses several revisions in the phonological reconstruction of Proto-Hmong–Mien and suggests a classification based on lexical evidence rather than phonological sound changes.[20] Rimes are simplified, while nasal codas in open rimes in Proto-Hmongic are posited to have derived from historical nasal initial consonants.[21] Taguchi (2023) also suggests that Ratliff's (2010) Proto-Hmongic *k- and *q- are in fact secondary developments from Proto-Hmong–Mien *kr- and *k-, respectively.
Vocabulary
[edit]Below are some words roughly belonging to the semantic domains of agriculture and subsistence from Ratliff (2004),[22] with the Proto-Hmong-Mien and Proto-Hmongic reconstructions from Ratliff (2010), and Old Chinese reconstructions from Baxter & Sagart (2014)[23] for comparison (note that the Old Chinese forms are not necessarily cognate with the Hmong–Mien forms). Terms for domesticated animals and non-rice crops are usually shared with Chinese, while vocabulary relating to hunting, rice crops, and local plants and animals are usually not shared with Chinese.
Proto- Hmong–Mien |
Proto-Hmongic | Old Chinese | English |
---|---|---|---|
*ntsʰʉC | *s-daŋʔ ( |
elephant | |
*ʔlinA | *ɢʷan[f] ( |
monkey | |
*ŋgu̯eiB | *krun (麇) | river deer | |
*tsjɔB | *qʰˁraʔ ( |
tiger | |
*ɢləŋB | *tsʰˁoŋ (蔥) | Chinese onion | |
*NKan | *C.mˁru ( |
cogon grass | |
*ʰnænB | *C.nˁaʔ ( |
crossbow | |
*pənX | *Cə.lak-s ( |
to shoot | |
*ndroC | *lriwk (逐) | to track, follow | |
*Kəi | *kˁe (雞) | chicken | |
*m-nɔk | *tˁiw (雕) | bird | |
*qluwX | *hmaŋC | *Cə.kˁroʔ ( |
dog |
*ʔap | *qraːb[g] ( |
duck | |
*mpæC | *pˁra (豝) | pig | |
*juŋ | *ɢaŋ ( |
sheep/goat | |
*ŋiuŋ | *s.ɢijʔ (兕) | water buffalo | |
*dup | *N.tˁo-s ( |
bean | |
*N-peiX | *s-t(ʰ)uk ( |
soybean | |
*wouH | *ɢʷa-s ( |
taro | |
*mbləu | *lˁuʔ ( |
rice plant; growing/unhusked rice | |
*ntsuwC | *(C.)mˤejʔ ( |
husked rice | |
*hnrəaŋH | *bonʔ-s ( |
cooked rice |
The ethnonym Hmong is reconstructed as *hmʉŋA in Proto-Hmongic by Ratliff (2010), while Mien is reconstructed as *mjænA in Proto-Mienic. In comparison, William H. Baxter and Laurent Sagart (2014)[24] reconstruct the Old Chinese name of the Mán 蠻 (Nanman
External relationships
[edit]Proto-Hmong–Mien shares many lexical similarities with neighboring language families, including Austroasiatic, Kra-Dai (Tai-Kadai), Austronesian, and Tibeto-Burman (Ratliff 2010). Martha Ratliff (2010:233-237) lists the following lexical resemblances between Proto-Hmong–Mien (abbreviated below as PHM) and other language families. Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic are provided if the Proto-Hmong–Mien form is not reconstructed.
Austroasiatic
[edit]Many lexical resemblances are found between the Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic language families (Ratliff 2010), some of which had earlier been proposed by Haudricourt (1951).[26] Proto-Austroasiatic (PAA) reconstructions are from Sidwell (2024).[27]
- Lexical resemblances with Austroasiatic
- PHM *ʔu̯əm 'water'; Proto-Palaungic *ʔoːm
- PHM *ntshjamX 'blood'; PAA *ɕaːm, *mɕaːm
- PHM *ntju̯əŋH 'tree'; PAA *Clɔːŋ
- PHM *ʔɲæmX 'to weep, cry'; PAA *jaːmˀ
- PHM *pənX 'to shoot'; PAA *paɲˀ
- PHM *tu̯eiX 'tail'; PAA *sntaʔ
- PHM *mpeiH 'to dream'; PAA *ʔmpoːˀ
- PHM *ʔpu̯ɛŋX 'full'; PAA *bi(ː)ŋ
- Proto-Hmongic *mbrɔD 'ant'; PAA *s<m>uːcˀ
- Proto-Mienic *səpD 'centipede'; PAA *kʔiːpˀ
- PHM *klup 'grasshopper'
- PHM *ntshjeiX 'head louse'; PAA *ciʔ
Other Austroasiatic parallels listed by Kosaka (2002:94) are:[28]
- PHM *tshuŋX 'bone'; PAA *cʔaːŋ
- PHM *S-phreiX 'head'; PAA *ɓoːkˀ
- PHM *pji̯əuX 'fruit'; PAA *pleʔ
- PHM *pjɔu 'three'; PAA *peːˀ
Ostapirat (2018:116-117)[29] lists compares the following basic vocabulary items in Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic. Proto-Palaungic as reconstructed by Sidwell (2015) has also been reconstructed.[30]
Gloss | Proto-Hmong–Mien (Ratliff 2010) |
Proto-Vietic (Ferlus 1991)[31] |
Proto-Wa (Diffloth 1980)[32] |
Proto-Palaungic (Sidwell 2015)[30] |
---|---|---|---|---|
louse | *ntshjeiX | *ciʔ | *siʔ | *ciːʔ |
fruit | *pji̯əuX | *pleʔ | *pliʔ | *pliːʔ |
road | *kləuX | *khraʔ | *kraʔ | *kraːʔ |
shoot | *pənX | *paɲʔ | *pɤɲ | *ɓaŋ |
blood | *ntshjamX | *asaːmʔ | *hnam | *snaːm |
weep | *ʔɲæmX | *jaːmʔ, *ɲaːmʔ | *jam | *jaːm |
hawk | *qlaŋX | *klaːŋʔ | *klaŋ | *klaːŋ |
cooked | *sjenX (Proto-Hmongic) | *ciːnʔ | *sin | *ciːn |
heavy | *hnjeinX | *naŋʔ | (*s-jen) | *kəɟan |
full | *pu̯ɛŋX | pɔiŋ (Mon) | phoiɲ (Khasi) | - |
nose | *mbruiH | *muːs | *mɨs | *muːs |
name | *mpɔuH | jhmoh (Middle Khmer) | *mɨs | *muːs |
horn | *klɛɔŋ | *kərəŋ | *ʔrɤŋ | *-rɤŋ |
water | *ʔu̯əm | ʔom (Palaung) | *rʔom | *ʔoːm |
live, alive | *ʔjəm | ʔim (Palaung) | *ʔem | *ʔiːm |
I | *ʔja (Proto-Mienic) | ʔoa (Mon) | *ʔɨʔ | *ʔɔːʔ |
thou | *mu̯ei | mày (Vietnamese) | me (Khasi) | *miːʔ |
one | *ʔɨ | - | ʔu (Palaung) | (*moːh) |
two | *ʔu̯i | - | ʔa (Palaung) | (*ləʔaːr) |
three | *pjɔu | paj (Kui) | - | (*ləʔɔːj) |
Further lexical resemblances between Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic are listed in Hsiu (2017).[33]
Kra-Dai
[edit]Many lexical resemblances are found between the Hmong-Mien and Kra-Dai language families, although the tones often do not correspond (Ratliff 2010). Proto-Tai (abbreviated here as PT) reconstructions are from Pittayaporn (2009).[34] Many of the Proto-Tai forms also have close parallels with Proto-Austronesian.
- Lexical resemblances with Kra-Dai
- Proto-Hmongic *kɛŋB 'I, 1.SG'; PT *kuːA (strong form), *kawA (weak form)
- PHM *mu̯ei 'thou, 2.SG'; PT *mɯŋA (strong form), *maɰA (weak form)
- PHM *təjH 'to die', *dəjH 'to kill'; PT *p.taːjA 'to die'
- PHM *ʔneinX 'this'; PT *najC
- PHM *m-nɔk 'bird'; PT *C̬.nokD
- PHM *mbrəuX 'fish'; PT *plaːA
- Proto-Hmongic *hmaŋC 'wild dog'; PT *ʰmaːA 'dog'
- Proto-Hmongic *ʔlinA 'monkey'; PT *liːŋA
Kosaka (2002)[28] lists many lexical resemblances between Kra-Dai and Hmong-Mien languages, and proposes that they form part of a larger Miao-Dai language family.
Austronesian
[edit]Many lexical resemblances are found between the Hmong-Mien and Austronesian language families, some of which are also shared with Kra-Dai and Austroasiatic (Ratliff 2010). Proto-Austronesian (abbreviated here as PAN) and Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (abbreviated here as PMP) reconstructions are from Blust (n.d.).[35]
- Lexical resemblances with Austronesian and Kra-Dai
- Proto-Hmongic *kɛŋB 'I, 1.SG'; PMP *-ku 'my'
- PHM *mu̯ei 'thou, 2.SG'; PAN *-mu '2nd person'
- PHM *mi̯əu 'you (plural), 2.PL'; PAN *-mu '2nd person'
- PHM *təjH 'to die'; PAN *ma-aCay
- PHM *dəjH 'to kill'; PAN *pa-aCay
- PHM *m-nɔk 'bird'; PMP *manuk
- Lexical resemblances with Austronesian and Austroasiatic
- PHM *tu̯eiX 'tail'; PMP *buntut
- PHM *pu̯ɛŋX 'full'; PMP *penuq
- PHM *pənX 'to shoot'; PMP *panaq
- PHM *mpeiH 'to dream'; PAN *Sepi, PMP *hi(m)pi
- Other lexical resemblances with Austronesian
- PHM *mlu̯ɛjH 'soft'; PMP *ma-lumu
- PHM *dəp 'bite'; PMP *ketep
- PHM *klæŋ 'insect, worm, maggot'; PAN *qulej 'maggot'
- PHM *tɛmX 'body louse'; PAN *CumeS, PMP *tumah 'clothes louse'
Tibeto-Burman
[edit]Ratliff notes that the Hmong-Mien numerals from 4-9 and various culture-related vocabulary have been borrowed from Tibeto-Burman. The Proto-Tibeto-Burman (abbreviated as PTB) forms provided below are from James Matisoff (2003).[36]
- Lexical borrowings from Tibeto-Burman
- PHM *plei 'four' < PTB *b-ləy (STEDT #2409)
- PHM *prja 'five' < PTB *b-ŋa (STEDT #1306)
- PHM *kruk 'six' < PTB *d-k-ruk (STEDT #2621)
- PHM *dzjuŋH 'seven'
- PHM *jat 'eight' < PTB *b-r-gyat ~ *b-g-ryat (STEDT #2259)
- PHM *N-ɟuə 'nine' < PTB *d/s-kəw (STEDT #2364)
- Proto-Hmongic *hnɛŋA and Proto-Mienic *hnu̯ɔiA 'sun, day' < PTB *s-nəy (STEDT #85)
- PHM *hlaH 'moon, month' < PTB *s-la (STEDT #1016)
- PHM *hməŋH 'night' (also 'dark') < PTB *s-muːŋ 'dark' (STEDT #522; #2465)
- PHM *ʔɲam 'sister-in-law' (also 'daughter-in-law') < PTB *nam 'daughter-in-law' (STEDT #2486)
- PHM *ʔweiX 'son-in-law' < PTB *krwəy (STEDT #2348)
- PHM *hlep 'to slice' < PTB *s-lep (STEDT #2401)
- PHM *hmjænX 'footprint, track' < PTB *s-naŋ 'to follow' (STEDT #2488)
- Proto-Hmongic *mjænB 'horse' < PTB *mraŋ (STEDT #1431)
Additionally, Paul K. Benedict (1987)[37] notes that Proto-Hmong–Mien contains loanwords from an unknown Tibeto-Burman language or branch, which Benedict refers to as Donor Miao-Yao. Benedict (1987:20) believes that these Tibeto-Burman loanwords predate Hmong-Mien's contact with Old Chinese. Some numerals that Benedict (1987) reconstructed for Proto-Donor Miao-Yao are given below.
- *pliA 'four'
- *praA 'five'
- *truk 'six'
- *znis 'seven'
- *hryat 'eight'
- *t-guA 'nine'
- *gup 'ten'
Guillaume Jacques (2021) notes that there are Tibeto-Burman parallels for various Hmong-Mien words that are found specifically in rGyalrongic and neighboring Qiangic languages. These include the words for 'snow' (cf. Jiangdi Mien bwan5), 'scold' (Proto-Hmongic *qeC), 'walnut' (Proto-Hmongic *qlowC), and 'bamboo' (Proto-Hmong-Mien *hləwX).[38]
See also
[edit]- Proto-Hmong-Mien reconstructions (Wiktionary)
- Proto-Hmongic reconstructions (Wiktionary)
- Proto-Mienic reconstructions (Wiktionary)
- Hmong-Mien comparative vocabulary list (Wiktionary)
Notes
[edit]- ^ Baituo, Qingyan Township, Huaxi District, Guiyang 贵阳
市 花 溪 区 青岩 乡摆托 寨 - ^ Yejipo, Ganba Township, Fuquan County
福泉 县甘坝乡野 鸡坡寨 - ^ Mangjiang, Yaoli Township, Nandan County
南 丹 县瑶里 乡芒降 村 - ^ Chenhu, Duozhu Township, Huidong County
惠 东县多 祝 乡陈湖村 - ^ Ratliff (2021:253)
- ^ Zhengzhang reconstruction
- ^ Zhengzhang reconstruction
References
[edit]Citations
[edit]- ^ a b Ratliff, Martha (2021). "Classification and historical overview of Hmong-Mien languages". The Languages and Linguistics of Mainland Southeast Asia. De Gruyter. pp. 247–260. doi:10.1515/9783110558142-014. ISBN 9783110558142.
- ^ Sagart, Laurent, Roger Blench, and Alicia Sanchez-Nazas (eds.) (2004). The peopling of East Asia: Putting Together Archaeology, Linguistics and Genetics. London: RoutledgeCurzon. ISBN 0-415-32242-1.
- ^ "Automated Dating of the World's Language Families based on Lexical Similarity" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2013-11-27. Retrieved 2013-12-30.
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光 . 2001. Han-Zang, Miao-Yao tongyuanci zhuanti yanjiu 汉藏、苗 瑶 同 源 词专题研究 [A comparative study of Chinese and Miao-Yao]", pp.129–651. Vol. 2 in the series: Ting Pang-hsin丁 邦 新 & Sun Hongkai 孙宏开 (eds.), Hanzangyu Tongyuanci Yanjiu 汉藏语同源 词研究 [A Study of Sino-Tibetan cognate vocabulary]. Nanning: Guangxi Minzu Chubanshe 广西民族 出版 社 . ISBN 9787536340343. - ^ Chen Qiguang [陈其
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王 辅世, Mao Zongwu毛 宗武 . 1995. Miao-Yao yu guyin gouni苗 瑤 语古音 构拟. Beijing: China Social Sciences Academy Press中国 社会 科学 出版 社 .