Fuqing dialect

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Fuqing
ぶくきよしばなし
Hók-chiăng-uâ
Native toPeople's Republic of China, Malaysia
RegionFuqing; Pingtan; some parts of Changle; Yongtai; Fuzhou city proper; Sitiawan; Sri Jaya
Early forms
Chinese characters and Foochow Romanized
Language codes
ISO 639-3
ISO 639-6fuji
GlottologNone
Linguasphere79-AAA-icm

The Fuqing dialect (simplified Chinese: ぶくきよし; traditional Chinese: ぶくきよしばなし; pinyin: Fúqīnghuà, BUC: Hók-chiăng-uâ, IPA: [huʔ˥ tsʰiaŋ˥ ŋuɑ˦˨]), or Hokchia, is an Eastern Min dialect. It is spoken in the county-level city of Fuqing, China, situated within the prefecture-level city of Fuzhou. It is not completely mutually intelligible with the Fuzhou dialect, although the level of understanding is high enough to be considered so.[4][5]

Phonology[edit]

The Fuqing dialect has fifteen initials, forty-six rimes, and seven tones.

Initials[edit]

Including the null initial, the Fuqing dialect has fifteen initials, excluding the phonemes [βべーた] and [ʒ], which are only used in connected spoken speech.

Chart of Fuqing dialect initials
Bilabial Alveolar Dental Velar Glottal
Nasal m
⟨m, こうむ
n
⟨n, にち
ŋ
⟨ng, かたり
Plosive plain p
⟨b, あたり
t
⟨d, てい
k
⟨g, もとめ
ʔ
うぐいす
aspirated
⟨p, なみ

⟨t,

⟨k,
Affricate plain ts
⟨c, 曾⟩
aspirated tsʰ
⟨ch,
Fricative βべーた
⟨dó̤h-buó, 桌ぬの
θしーた
⟨s, とき
ʒ
⟨băh-cái, しろさい
h
⟨h, /
Approximant l
⟨l, やなぎ

(The Chinese characters represent the sample characters taken from the Qī Lín Bāyīn (戚林はちおと, Foochow Romanized: Chék Lìng Báik-ĭng), while the Latin letters are from the orthography Foochow Romanized).

[θしーた] is a voiceless dental fricative, and is the mainstream pronunciation; some pronounce it as [s]. There is no phonemic contrast between the two.[6]: 28

[ts], [tsʰ] and [s] palatalize to [tɕ], [tɕʰ], [ɕ] before finals that begin with /y/, the close front rounded vowel (i.e. before the finals [y], [yo/yɔ], [yoŋ/yɔŋ], [yoʔ/yɔʔ]).[6]: 28 

Rimes[edit]

Including the syllabic nasal consonant [ŋ̍], the Fuqing dialect has forty-six rimes in total. Apart from [ŋ̍] and [iau], all rimes have a close/open distinction.

Chart of Fuqing dialect rimes
Simple vowels Compound vowels Nasal coda /-ŋ/ Glottal coda /-ʔ/
Null medial [a/ɑ]
よしみ (a, ah[7])
[au/ɑu]
郊 (au)
[aŋ/ɑŋ]
やま (ang)
[aʔ/ɑʔ]
かも (ak)
[ai/ɑi]
ひらけ (ai)
[o/ɔ]
うた (o̤, o̤h)
[oi/ɔi]
催 (oi/o̤i)
[oŋ/ɔŋ]
釭 (ong/aung)
[oʔ/ɔʔ]
らく (ok/auk)
[ɛ/æ]
西にし (a̤)
[eu/ɛu]
みぞ (eu)
[ɛŋ/æŋ]
(eng/aing)
[ɛʔ/æʔ]
きゃく (ek/aik)
[ø/œ]
はつ (e̤/ae̤)
[øŋ/œŋ]
ひがし (e̤ng/ae̤ng)
[øʔ/œʔ]
すみ (e̤k/ae̤k)
[ŋ̍]
伓 (ng)
Medial /i/ [ia/iɑ]
(ia, iah)
[iau]
-- (--)
[iaŋ/iɑŋ]
こえ (iang)
[iaʔ/iɑʔ]
察 (iak)
[i/e]
これ (i/e, ih/eh)
[iu/ieu]
あき (iu/eu)
[iŋ/eŋ]
まろうど (ing/eng)
[iʔ/eʔ]
ちから (ik/ek)
[ie/iɛ]
雞 (ie)
[ieu/iɐu]
やき (ieu)
[ieŋ/iɛŋ]
てん (ieng)
[ieʔ/iɛʔ]
ねつ (iek)
Medial /u/ [u/o]
(u/o)
[ui/uoi]
てる (ui/oi)
[uŋ/oŋ]
はる (ung/ong)
[uʔ/oʔ]
ぶく (uk/ok)
[ua/uɑ]
はな (ua, uah)
[uaŋ/uɑŋ]
歡 (uang)
[uaʔ/uɑʔ]
ほう (uak)
[uo/uɔ]
(uo, uoh)
[uoi/uɐi]
はい (uoi)
[uoŋ/uɔŋ]
ひかり (uong)
[uoʔ/uɔʔ]
つき (uok)
Medial /y/ [y/ø]
須 (ṳ/e̤ṳ)
[yŋ/øŋ]
ぎん (ṳng/e̤ṳng)
[yʔ/øʔ]
にく (ṳk/e̤ṳk)
[yo/yɔ]
はし (io, ioh)
[yoŋ/yɔŋ]
こう (iong)
[yoʔ/yɔʔ]
くすり (iok)

The rime before the slash is the close or tense rime (simplified Chinese: 窄韵; traditional Chinese: 窄韻; pinyin: zhǎiyùn, or alternatively in simplified Chinese: 紧韵; traditional Chinese: 緊韻; pinyin: jǐnyùn), while the rime after the slash is the open or lax rime (simplified Chinese: 宽韵; traditional Chinese: ひろしいん; pinyin: kuānyùn; or otherwise named in simplified Chinese: まつ; traditional Chinese: いん; pinyin: sōngyùn). The Chinese characters represent the sample characters taken from the Qī Lín Bāyīn (戚林はちおと, Foochow Romanized: Chék Lìng Báik-ĭng), with further characters from rimes with glottal codas. The Latin letters are from the orthography Foochow Romanized.

The rime [iau] only has one syllable [ŋiau], and is not found in the Qī Lín Bāyīn; furthermore, Foochow Romanized does not have a way to represent this syllable.

In the modern Rongcheng dialect, the rime [iu/ieu] has now merged into [ieu/iɐu] and is no longer distinguished. Also in the new Rongcheng dialect, the rime [ui/uoi] has merged into [uoi/uɐi]. The syllabic nasal [ŋ̍] in the modern Rongcheng dialect is read as [iŋ]; some sources have not yet listed this final in their charts.[8]

Tones[edit]

The Fuqing dialect has seven tones, with the Middle Chinese four tone categories of level/even (たいら), departing () and entering (いれ) all divided into dark (かげ) and light () categories. The names and the sequence of the seven tones are outlined below, as listed in the traditional rime dictionary Qī Lín Bāyīn:

Traditional nomenclature Upper level
上平かみひら
Rising tone
上聲じょうせい
Upper departing
うえ
Upper entering
うえいれ
Lower level
下平しもだいら
Lower departing
した
Lower entering
しもいれ
Standard nomenclature[9] Dark level
陰平かげひら
Ĭng-bìng
Rising tone
上聲じょうせい
Siōng-siăng
Dark departing
かげ
Ĭng-ké̤ṳ
Dark entering
かげいれ
Ĭng-ĭk
Light level
陽平ようへい
Iòng-bìng
Light departing

Iòng-ké̤ṳ
Light entering
いれ
Iòng-ĭk
IPA pitches ˥˧ (53) ˧˨ (32) ˨˩ (21) ʔ˩˨ (12ʔ) ˥ (55) ˦˨ (42) ʔ˥ (5ʔ)
Foochow Romanized
(with a as example)
ă ā á ák à â ăk

The dark level (陰平かげひら Ĭng-bìng) tone falls the most sharply; the light departing ( Iòng-ké̤ṳ) tone is a mid falling tone, whose fall in pitch is not as dramatic.

In tone sandhi, a new tone contour, one that rises (˧˥, 35) is produced from certain interactions of tone categories in the "New" Rongcheng dialect.[6]: 38 

Additionally, the Fuqing dialect contains the neutral tone in colloquial speech, which generally manifests as a mid tone.[6]: 36 

Close-open rimes[edit]

The phenomenon of close and open rime alternation (also known as tense and lax rimes; in Chinese, variously ひろし窄韻現象げんしょう; kuānzhǎiyùn xiànxiàng; 、緊韻現象げんしょう; sōng, jǐn yùn xiànxiàng; or ほんいんへんいん現象げんしょう; běnyùn, biànyùn xiànxiàng)[10] is found throughout the dialects of cities and villages in the traditional Fuzhou area (the ten towns of Fuzhou, ふくしゅうじゅう邑). But it is absent from, for example, the dialects of Gutian (古田ふるた) and Luoyuan (はじめ). The dialect of Fuqing, along with that of the urban area of Fuzhou, exhibits this phenomenon.[6]: 32–35 

According to the original listing of the rimes in the Qī Lín Bāyīn, the medial vowel did not change with the tones. But in the Fuqing dialect, when the rime is in either one of the departing tones or in the dark entering tone, the medial vowel changes to another, the rime being called the open rime. When in either of the two level tones, in the rising tone, or in the light entering tone, the rime does not change; this rime is called the close rime. In the Fuqing dialect, with the exception of [ŋ] and [iau], all rimes exhibit this close-open alternation.[6]: 32–35 

As an example, the rime from "はる" in the Qī Lín Bāyīn, lists the two rimes: [uŋ] and [uk]. In the Gutian dialect, the same vowel is preserved in the rime [u], regardless of tone. But in the Fuqing dialect, the rime [uŋ] in the dark departing (かげ) and light departing () tones changes to [oŋ], where the vowel in the final [u] has become [o]. Similarly, [uʔ] in the upper departing (うえいれ) tone becomes the open rime [oʔ], where the vowel has again changed.

Tone name Dark level
陰平かげひら
Rising tone
上聲じょうせい
Dark departing
かげ
Dark entering
かげいれ
Light level
陽平ようへい
Light departing
Light entering
いれ
Chinese character ひがし ただし とん とく どう どく
Fuqing dialect [tuŋ] [tuŋ] [toŋ] [toʔ] [tuŋ] [toŋ] [tuʔ]
Gutian dialect [tuŋ] [tuŋ] [tuŋ] [tuk] [tuŋ] [tuŋ] [tuk]

Within the Fuqing dialect, the vowel of the open rime is always more open (or lower) by a degree than the close rime. For example, in the dark level tone 陰平かげひら is read [ti] as a close rime, with the close vowel [i]. Listed as the same rime but in a different tone (i.e. light departing ) is , which is instead read as [te], an open rime with the half-close vowel [e], one degree more open than [i]. All close rimes in the relevant tone categories have become their corresponding open rimes according to this rule.

Illustration of the phonetics of the close-open alternation
Close rime Open rime
[θしーたy] [θしーたø]
ひく [te] [tɛ]
ひがし [tøŋ] どう [tœŋ]
かのえ [kɛŋ] けん [kæŋ]
おっと [hu] [ho]
おお [to] みち [tɔ]
ともえ [pa] やめ [pɑ]

Synchronically, this alternation can affect vowels when tone sandhi occurs; please see the section on rime changes.[6]: 35 

Sound changes[edit]

The Fuqing dialect has a particularly rich set of phonetic changes. The pronunciation of a particular Chinese character under certain circumstances can undergo changes in its initial, its rime, and its tone. For example, the word 兄弟きょうだい哥 (brother, Standard Mandarin: 兄弟きょうだい) is made of the three words けい /hiaŋ˥˧/, おとうと /tiɛ˦˨/ and 哥 /ko˥˧/, but is actually pronounced as 兄弟きょうだい/hiaŋ˥ nie˥ o˥˧/. Within this word, the first syllable けい has undergone tone sandhi and has thus changed tone; the last syllable 哥 has lost its initial consonant; and the rime of the middle syllable おとうと has changed in both vowel and tone. Within lexical or semantic items, the three features of initial, rime and tone are subject to sandhi phenomena. In colloquial Fuqing speech, this type of change is very frequently encountered, but is rare in Chinese as a whole.

Initial assimilation[edit]

In colloquial Fuqing speech, the initial consonants of Chinese characters or syllables are subject to change under specific circumstances within lexical items. The first modern work to examine the phonology of the Fuzhou dialect, the Mǐnyīn Yánjiū (閩音研究けんきゅう), used the term "initial assimilation" (in simplified Chinese: こえはは类化; traditional Chinese: こえははるい; pinyin: shēngmǔ lèihuà) to refer to this phenomenon.[11][12] The Fuqing dialect contains two voiced initial consonants, /βべーた/ and /ʒ/, that only appear through initial assimilation.

Initial assimilation in the Fuqing dialect occurs in polysyllabic lexemes (i.e. lexical items or words of two or more syllables or Chinese characters) and certain semantic groups. Usually within these groups, all syllables apart from the first undergo initial assimilation. But if the initial of the following syllable is a nasal or /l/, then the initial assimilation does not occur at that point. Not every phrase will undergo initial assimilation, and the ones that do may differ from their counterparts in the other Min Dong varieties.

The syllable that undergoes initial assimilation is the "latter character"; that which precedes it is the "former character". Initial assimilation in the Fuqing dialect consists of three types: voicing, nasalisation/nasal assimilation and suppression. The rime of the former character determines the type of assimilation of the latter character's initial.

Former character's rime type Latter character's initial type Example
"Checked rime" / Rime ending in a glottal stop No change /hoʔ tsʰiaŋ/ > [huʔ tsʰiaŋ] (ぶくきよし, Fuqing)
Yang rime / Rime ending in a nasal Nasalisation / Nasal assimilation /hiaŋ tiɛ/ > [hiaŋ niɛ] (兄弟きょうだい, brother)
Yin rime / Rime ending in a vowel Voicing or suppression /θしーたɛ pœʔ/ > [θしーたɛ βべーたœʔ] (西北せいほく, northwest)

/ŋo kæŋ/ > [ŋu æŋ] (けん, five counties)

Which voiced consonant or nasal consonant or whether the consonant is suppressed depends on the place of articulation of the latter syllable's initial.

Initial's place of articulation Initial Example character Nasalisation / Nasal assimilation Voicing Suppression
Labial /p, pʰ/ ひじ [piɛ] [kieŋ miɛ]

(かたひじ)

[tsʰiu βべーたiɛ]

(ひじ)

--
Velar /k, kʰ, h, ʔ/ がく [hoʔ] [θしーた ŋoʔ]

(さんがく)

-- [θしーたu oʔ]

(數學すうがく)

Dental (Type A) /t, tʰ, θしーた/ あたま [tʰau] [tsieŋ nau]

(枕頭ちんとう)

[ŋia lau]

(がくあたま)

--
Dental (Type B) /ts, tsʰ/ [tsiɑ] [kaŋ niɑ]

(甘蔗かんしゃ)

[huʔ tsiu ʒiɑ]

(ふくしゅう蔗)

--

Type A dentals after voicing assimilation do not become the standard [l], but are slightly flapped.[13]

Tone sandhi[edit]

As with the majority of southern varieties of Chinese, the Fuqing dialect exhibits tone sandhi. The phenomenon of tone sandhi in the Fuqing dialect contains a whole set of rules to be followed, but it is still rather complex: one tone can undergo different changes depending on what tone follows it. For example, the light entering (いれ) tone in front of the dark departing (かげ) tone becomes ˩ (11), but in front of a rising tone (上聲じょうせい) it becomes ˥ (55); and in front of the dark entering (かげいれ) tone it becomes ˨˩ (21).

Chart of tone sandhi with , a syllable in the light entering tone (いれ調ちょう)
Original syllable (IPA) Tone of the following syllable Tone value after sandhi Example word
/θしーたiʔ˥/ Dark departing かげ ˩ (11) [θしーたiʔ˩ tsiɛ˨˩] (實際じっさい)
/θしーたiʔ˥/ Rising tone 上聲じょうせい ˥ (55) [θしーたiʔ˥ tsieŋ˧˨] (實踐じっせん)
/θしーたiʔ˥/ Dark entering かげいれ ˨˩ (21) [θしーたiʔ˨˩ tseʔ˩˨] (實質じっしつ)

In many local dialects of the Fuzhou area (within the Eastern Min family), the last syllable of a word does not undergo tone sandhi. However, in the Fuqing dialect, the last syllable's tone does change under certain circumstances.

First Character and Pronunciation Last Character and Pronunciation Pronunciation in Sandhi
しょう /θしーたieu˧˨/ れい /lɛ˧˨/ しょうれい /θしーたieu˨ ˥/
みどり /luo˥˧/ いろ /θしーたæʔ˩˨/ 綠色みどりいろ /luo˨˩ θしーたæʔ˨/

Below is a full table for the tone sandhi on two syllable domains for the main "new" Rongcheng pronunciation of the Fuqing dialect:

"New" Rongcheng Fuqing dialect: Two-character Tone Sandhi
Tone of latter syllable
Ĭng-bìng (陰平かげひら)

˥˧ (53)

Siōng-siăng (上聲じょうせい)
˧˨ (32)
Ĭng-ké̤ṳ (かげ)

˨˩ (21)

Ĭng-ĭk (かげいれ)

ʔ˩˨ (12ʔ)

Iòng-bìng (陽平ようへい)

˥ (55)

Iòng-ké̤ṳ ()

˦˨ (42)

Iòng-ĭk (いれ)

ʔ˥ (5ʔ)

Ĭng-bìng (陰平かげひら)

˥˧ (53)

˥˧ ˥˧ ˥˧ ˧˨ ˧˥ ˨˩ ˧˥ ʔ˩˨ ˥˧ ˥ ˧˥ ˦˨ ˥ ʔ˥
Siōng-siăng (上聲じょうせい)
˧˨ (32)
˨˩ ˥˧ ˨˩ ˥˧ ˧˥ ˨˩ ˧˥ ʔ˩˨ ˨˩ ˧˥ ˧˥ ˦˨ ˨˩ ʔ˥
Ĭng-ké̤ṳ (かげ)

˨˩ (21)

˥ ˥˧ ˥˧ ˧˨ ˥˧ ˨˩ ˥˧ ʔ˩˨ ˥ ˥ ˥˧ ˦˨ ˥ ʔ˥
Ĭng-ĭk (かげいれ)

ʔ˩˨ (12ʔ)

ʔ˥ ˥˧ ʔ˥ ˧˨ ʔ˥ ˨˩ ʔ˥ ʔ˩˨ ʔ˥ ˥ ʔ˥ ˦˨ ʔ˥ ʔ˥
Iòng-bìng (陽平ようへい)

˥ (55)

˥ ˥˧ ˥ ˧˨ ˨˩ ˨˩ ˨˩ ʔ˩˨ ˥ ˥ ˥ ˦˨ ˥ ʔ˥
Iòng-ké̤ṳ ()

˦˨ (42)

˥ ˥˧ ˥ ˧˨ ˨˩ ˨˩ ˨˩ ʔ˩˨ ˥ ˥ ˥ ˦˨ ˥ ʔ˥
Iòng-ĭk (いれ)

ʔ˥ (ʔ5)

ʔ˥ ˥˧ ʔ˥ ˧˨ ʔ˨˩ ˨˩ ʔ˨˩ ʔ˩˨ ʔ˥ ˥ ʔ˥ ˦˨ ʔ˥ ʔ˥

Aside from words composed of two syllables (or binomes), those composed of three syllables also undergo tone sandhi.

First Character Second Character Third Character Pronunciation in Sandhi
ぶく /hoʔ˩˨/ きよし /tsʰiaŋ˥˧/ はなし /uɑ˦˨/ ぶくきよしばなし /huʔ˥ tsʰiaŋ˥ ŋuɑ˦˨/

Rime changes[edit]

Within polysyllabic words (of two or more syllables) or characters within one sense unit, if in the departing tone (both light departing and dark departing) or in the dark entering tone, and if it is not the last character in the unit, the rime undergoes tensing. This rime change is related to the open/close rime phenomenon: as these three tones only have open rimes, when the character changes tone through tone sandhi, the open rimes will become the corresponding close rimes.[6]: 35 

First character Middle character Final character Pronunciation as a single phrase
Fuqing dialect /h/ (ぶく) /tsʰiaŋ/ (きよし) /kæŋ/ (けん) /h tsʰiaŋ ŋæŋ/ (ぶくせいけん)
Gutian dialect /huk/ (ぶく) /tsʰiaŋ/ (きよし) /keiŋ/ (けん) /huk tsʰiaŋ ŋeiŋ/ (ぶくせいけん)

The /tsʰiaŋ˥˧/ きよし is light level tone and has a close rime, so although it is in a non-final position within the group, its rime does not change. On the other hand, /hoʔ˩˨/ ぶく is light entering tone, while /keiŋ˦˨/ けん is dark departing tone; both characters hence have open rimes. As ぶく is in a non-final position in its group, its rime changes; けん is the last syllable and so resists the change.

Internal variation[edit]

The Fuqing dialect is divided into several branches, based on their phonology:[6]: 125 

  • The Rongcheng branch (Chinese: とおるしろへん; pinyin: Róngchéng piàn) includes an area covering the city center, as well as the towns of Dongzhang (ひがしちょう鎮), Jingyang (かがみひろし鎮), Yuxi (りょうけい鎮), Shangjing (うえ逕鎮), Haikou (うみこう鎮), Chengtou (城頭じょうとう鎮), Nanling (みなみみね鎮), Longtian (龍田たつた鎮), Jiangjing (こうきょう鎮) and parts of Xincuo (しん厝鎮). The features of this branch include the following:
    • merger of the [iu] あき and [ieu] しょう finals;
    • the original area of Rongcheng Town (とおるじょう鎮) had a split between old and new, where several finals have merged;
    • the tone sandhi system of the new Rongcheng dialect has converged with that of surrounding areas.
  • The Gaoshan branch (Chinese: 高山たかやまへん; pinyin: Gāoshān piàn) covers the towns of Gangtou (みなとあたま鎮), Sanshan (三山みやま鎮), Shapu (すな埔鎮), Gaoshan (高山たかやま鎮) and Donghan (ひがし瀚鎮). It is characterized by:
    • relatively non-noticeable rime tensing;
    • a clear distinction of the [iu] あき and [ieu] しょう finals.
  • The Jiangyin branch (simplified Chinese: こう阴片; traditional Chinese: こうかげへん; pinyin: Jiāngyīn piàn) just includes Jinyin Town. It is characterized by:
    • some words with voiced initials in entering tones retain the final glottal stop whereas the other branches have lost that glottal stop. For example Chinese: くすり medicine is read as [yoʔ˥] in Jinyin as opposed to [yo˥˧] as in Rongcheng.
    • there is a reported phonemic difference in vowel length in certain words with glottal stops, e.g. Chinese: くすり medicine has a long vowel, whereas Chinese: examine, read has a short vowel, although both are read [yoʔ˥].
  • The Yidu branch (Chinese: いちへん; pinyin: Yīdū piàn), comprising Yidu Town. It is geographically close to Yongtai County, and features which are closer to the Fuzhou dialect. Some of these are:
    • final glottal stops are retained from Middle Chinese final obstruent stops, as in the Fuzhou dialect;
    • it has the triphthong [uoi] where Rongcheng would have a diphthong [ua];
    • there are more diphthongs where Rongcheng would have monophthongs, e.g. Yidu [ou] for Rongcheng [o].

There is a high degree of mutual intelligibility between the three branches despite their differences, and the original Rongcheng dialect, spoken in an area now part of Yuping Road (Chinese: たまへい街道かいどう; pinyin: Yùpíng Jiēdào), is well understood across the whole Fuqing region.

Historical evolution[edit]

The Fuqing dialect has lost the voiced obstruents from Middle Chinese, has merged the final nasal consonants into one phoneme and similarly for the entering tone final stop consonant. But it has also preserved many readings from Middle Chinese: its pattern of entering tone readings greatly matches that of Middle Chinese, apart from the colloquial layer of character readings which has lost them.

Overview[edit]

Initials[edit]

Old and Middle Chinese had a large array of voiced consonants, which are preserved in the Wu group of Chinese varieties, e.g. in the Suzhou dialect. But the Fuqing dialect has devoiced the obstruents, turning them into voiceless consonants, just as other Eastern Min varieties of Chinese have.

Comparison of Voiced Initials[14]
Character とも まめ ちか ぜっ べに かい
Suzhou dialect /bã/ /dɤ/ /in/ /ziəʔ/ /ɦoŋ/ /ɡɑ/
Fuqing dialect /pɛŋ/ /tɑu/ /køŋ/ /tsuoʔ/ /huŋ/ /kɛ/

The Fuqing dialect does have two voiced obstruent phonemes, /βべーた/ and /ʒ/, but these appear in connected speech, and are not considered part of the initials.

The うたぐ initial of Middle Chinese, reconstructed as the velar nasal /ŋ/, has not been preserved by many modern varieties of Chinese. In standard Mandarin, the initial /ŋ/ has been completely lost, with some having merged into the initial /n/ (e.g. うし, しいたげ, なずらえ). In Wu, Yue and Hakka, the /ŋ/ initial with front vowels /i/ and /y/ have either been lost (hence merging into the かげ initial) or become another initial. But in the Fuqing dialect, the うたぐ initial is preserved as /ŋ/ in front of front and back vowels alike, with a few exceptions having merged into /m/. In some Mandarin varieties as well as Yue, a /ŋ/ sound is added to the beginning of back vowels of the null initial class かげ (e.g. pronouncing やす as /ŋan/), but in the Fuqing dialect the かげ initial always remains null.

Comparison of Historical うたぐ Initials[15]
Character きば かつえ たけ わが あやま うたぐ ぎゃく さかな しいたげ ぎん かわら
Fuqing dialect /ŋa/ /ŋɑi/ /ŋɔ/ /ŋoʔ/ /ŋua/ /ŋuɔ/ /ŋi/ /ŋiʔ/ /ŋy/ /ŋyoʔ/ /ŋyŋ/ /muɑ/
Cantonese /ŋa/ /ŋɔi/ /ŋɔ/ /ŋɔk/ /ŋɔ/ /ŋ̍/ /ji/ /jɪk/ /jy/ /jœk/ /ŋɐn/ /ŋa/

The Late Middle Chinese initial is pronounced in the Fuqing dialect not with /f/ but with /p/, /pʰ/ or /h/. This lack of labiodental consonants is common to all of the Min varieties as well as Sino-Korean. For example, はつ is read as /puɔʔ/, はち is read as /pʰuŋ/, while is read as /hi/.

A group in Middle Chinese with the initial is pronounced with alveolar stops /t/ or /tʰ/, and not with retroflex or palatal affricates, for example, as /ti/, たけ as /tøʔ/, じゅう as /tʰyŋ/. This feature is also common to most of Min, implying that it has conserved this feature from Old Chinese.[16]


Codas[edit]

The three nasal codas of Middle Chinese have become one velar nasal [ŋ] in the Fuqing dialect. The three entering tone voiceless stop codas also all became a velar stop [k], which has weakened to a glottal stop [ʔ].[17]

Comparison of Final Consonants[18][19]
Historical Final Consonant /m/ /n/ /ŋ/ /p/ /t/ /k/
Example Character みなみ でん おどろき じょう ゆき はら
Ningde dialect /nam/ /tiŋ/ /kiaŋ/ /tʰɛp/ /suk/ /pok/
Zhouning dialect /nan/ /tin/ /kiɛŋ/ /tʰɛk/ /θしーたut/ /pok/
Fuqing dialect /naŋ/ /tiɛŋ/ /kiaŋ/ /tʰæʔ/ /θしーたuɔʔ/ /poʔ/


Tones[edit]

The Fuqing dialect possesses just one tone derived from the historical rising tone (上聲じょうせい) of Middle Chinese, corresponding to the dark rising tone where those with historical voiceless initials have remained. Those with historical voiced obstruents in the former light rising tone have merged with the light departing tone. Those with historical sonorants underwent a split: in colloquial readings they grouped with light departing tone, whereas in literary readings these joined the dark rising tone.[6]: 125 

Comparison of Outcomes of the Historical Rising Tone (上聲じょうせい)
Historical Initial Consonant Type Voiceless (きよし) Voiced Obstruent (ぜんにご) Voiced Sonorant (つぎにご)
Example Character こう うえ ろう あめ ゆう うま
Fuqing dialect /kʰo˧˨/ /tsʰe˦˨/ /θしーたyoŋ˦˨/ coll. /lɑu˦˨/
lit. /lo˧˨/
coll. /huɔ˦˨/
lit. /y˧˨/
coll. /ou˦˨/
lit. /iu˧˨/
only lit. /ma˧˨/

There is also an innovation in entering tone characters. Where in the rime book Qī Lín Bāyīn (戚林はちおと), an entering tone character begins with an unvoiced consonant (e.g. the initials はな, よしみ, うた, これ, , はし, ), in the colloquial reading these lose their final glottal stop. Thus, the tones merge into their phonetically closest non-checked equivalent: dark entering merges into dark departing, and light entering merges into the dark level tone.[6]: 125  In the Fuzhou dialect these preserve their identity as entering tone in the colloquial reading. Nevertheless, in literary reading, these characters retain their glottal stop as a marker of the entering tone in Fuqing as well as in Fuzhou.

Comparison of Outcomes of Glottal Stop Loss
Historical Tone Dark entering (かげいれ) Light entering (いれ)
Character へだた さく きょく いし
Fuzhou dialect (colloquial reading) ʔ˨˦ ʔ˨˦ kʰuɔʔ˨˦ suoʔ˥ tieʔ˥ uaʔ˥ tiʔ˥
Fuqing dialect (colloquial reading) kɑ˨˩ θしーたɔ˨˩ kʰuɔ˨˩ θしーたyo˥˧ tia˥˧ ua˥˧ ti˥˧

Literary and colloquial readings[edit]

The Fuqing dialect has a rich source of variation in its split between literary and colloquial readings, with initials, rimes and tones being affected. They can be divided into seven types:

  • Difference in initials: とみ ([po˨˩] / [ho˨˩])
  • Difference in rimes: きよし ([tsʰiaŋ˥˧] / [tsʰiŋ˥˧])
  • Difference in tones: ([le˨˩] / [le˦˨])
  • Difference in initial and rime: おっと ([puo˥˧] / [hu˥˧])
  • Difference in initial and tone: とお ([huɔŋ˦˨] / [uoŋ˧˨])
  • Difference in rime and tone: りょう ([lɑŋ˦˨] / [lyoŋ˧˨])
  • Difference in initial, rime and tone: もう ([mœŋ˦˨] / [uoŋ˧˨])

Usually when there is a difference between literary and colloquial readings, the literary reading is used in reading and more literary compound words, whilst the colloquial one is used in vernacular speech, common surnames and local place names. For example, the common verb 聽 listen has the colloquial reading [tʰiaŋ˥˧], the surname りゅう (Liu in Mandarin) is pronounced [lau˦], and the place-name component きよし in the names of Minqing 閩清 and Fuqing ぶくきよし are pronounced [tsʰiaŋ˥˧], though the name of Qingliu County 清流せいりゅうけん, being outside the Fuzhou area, uses the literary pronunciation. Literary pronunciations are also used in poetry, with some readings specifically used only in this context; additionally, neologisms generally use literary pronunciation.

Vocabulary[edit]

Fuqing has had a long history of migration, with which has come a large number of different sources of vocabulary, creating several layers or lexical strata. One of the layers that the Fuqing dialect has is the Minyue language,[20] which today remains as a source of colloquial vocabulary.[21] Despite their common use, these vocabulary items often cannot be traced back to a Chinese root character.

Vocabulary derived from Old Chinese can be classified into two types. The first comes from migrants from the Three Kingdoms period, when people of the Eastern Wu migrated to Fujian, bringing the varieties of Wu and Chu.[21] This layer is already extinct in the Chinese varieties spoken in the homelands of the Wu and Chu regions, but it is still found across the Min varieties of Fujian.[22] The second type derives from the Northern and Southern Dynasties. Such vocabulary is often used in colloquial speech.

The lexical stratum from Middle Chinese derives from the Chinese spoken in the Tang dynasty, with some later additions from the Song dynasty, forming the principal literary layer.

Origin of lexical items[23]
Layer Origin Fuqing Meaning Notes
IPA Chinese characters English Standard Chinese
Minyue
閩越そこそう
Old Yue language
えつ
/ŋɔŋ˦˨/ 戇 or 歞 stupid Compare Wuming Zhuang /ŋɔŋ/
/loʔ˩˨/ -- to fall, decline 脫落だつらく Compare Wuming Zhuang /lo:t/
/piŋ˧˨/ a wicker board for a bed たけ
たけへん床板とこいた
Compare Wuming Zhuang /pin/
Old Chinese
上古じょうこ漢語かんご
Old Wu
くれ
/pʰieu˥˧/ duckweed 浮萍 揚子ようこ方言ほうげん江東こうとういい浮萍ため薸。
Attested in the Fangyan for the Jiangdong region.
/uoŋ˧˨/ sleeve そで あつまりいんとおせつおとあて。《たまへん》襪也。また方言ほうげんかく註》江東こうとうよびころも褾曰䘼。
Attested in the Fangyan for the Jiangdong region, as well as in the Yupian and the Jiyun.
/kie˦/ さけ salted fish しお醃製てきしょうさかな あつまりいんせつ……,くれじんいいぎょさい總稱そうしょう
Attested in the Jiyun for the people in the region of Wu.
Old Chu
すわえ
/θしーたyo˥˧/ しょく one (used only in counting) 數詞すうしいち 方言ほうげん》(あげゆうしょちょ),かんじゅういちしょく也,みなみすわえいいしょく
Attested in the Fangyan for the Southern Chu region.
/tsʰeŋ˨˩/ 㵾 or cold ひや せつぶんひやかん也。すわえじんいいひや曰㵾。
Attested in the Shuowen Jiezi for Chu.
/tsʰa˥˧/ to recover (from illness) やまいじょう好轉こうてん たまへんやましいよいよ也。《方言ほうげん》,かんさんみなみすわえびょう癒者いいこれ。(後作あとさく「瘥」)
Attested in the Yupian for Chu and the Fangyan for Southern Chu.
Central Plains Chinese
中原なかはら漢語かんご
/tiaŋ˧˨/ かなえ wok/pan なべ
/toŋ˥˧/ boiled water ねつすい
/tsʰuoi˨˩/ mouth くちばし
/sɔ˨˩/ to suck 吮吸
Middle Chinese
中古ちゅうこ漢語かんご
Central Plains Chinese
中原なかはら漢語かんご
/tyo˥˧/ しる at, in ざい
/ko˨˩/ still, -ing かえなお
/tɑu˨˩/ to compete, vie きおいしょう

Modern Standard Mandarin Chinese has also been source of vocabulary, via neologisms or formal compounds. Some such words are replaced by coinages from local roots, e.g. bicycle, which in the Fuqing dialect is 跤踏しゃ (also written 骹踏しゃ) instead of being directly cognate to the standard Taiwanese Mandarin 腳踏しゃ, literally foot-tread-vehicle, with the morpheme for foot being substituted by its local equivalent.

With contact with foreign countries, there have also been loanwords from non-Chinese languages, such as りん for gasoline/petroleum, which in standard Mandarin would be 石油せきゆ; also うま臘加 (Malacca, which is うま六甲ろっこう in Mandarin).

In more modern times, the rise of new technologies, products and concepts has produced more direct loans from standard Mandarin, which may be used despite those sounds being rare in Fuqing dialect or even if there are Fuqing roots that could have been used. For example, a "night school" is よるこう, derived from standard Mandarin, and not *暝晡こう as would have been expected from native Fuqing dialect roots.

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ Min is believed to have split from Old Chinese, rather than Middle Chinese like other varieties of Chinese.[1][2][3]

References[edit]

  1. ^ Mei, Tsu-lin (1970), "Tones and prosody in Middle Chinese and the origin of the rising tone", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 30: 86–110, doi:10.2307/2718766, JSTOR 2718766
  2. ^ Pulleyblank, Edwin G. (1984), Middle Chinese: A study in Historical Phonology, Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, p. 3, ISBN 978-0-7748-0192-8
  3. ^ Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin; Bank, Sebastian (2023-07-10). "Glottolog 4.8 - Min". Glottolog. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. doi:10.5281/zenodo.7398962. Archived from the original on 2023-10-13. Retrieved 2023-10-13.
  4. ^ Norman, Jerry (1977). "A Preliminary Report on the Dialects of Mintung". Monumenta Serica. 33: 326–348. ISSN 0254-9948. Retrieved 12 December 2023. The natives consider most of the dialects of the area mutually intelligible and commonly speak to one another, each using his own local form of speech. It was my impression, however, that the differences among the dialects which I had a chance to record are considerable and that unpracticed speakers from peripheral areas might have some difficulty in communicating with one another.
  5. ^ Inoue, Fumio (2018). "Continuum of Fujian language boundary perception: dialect division and dialect image". Dialectologia: revista electrònica: 147–180. ISSN 2013-2247. Retrieved 12 December 2023. [M]ost of the students marked a restricted area, including only Fuzhou and Fuqing. Most responses had diameters between 200 and 300 kilometers.
  6. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k 冯爱ちん Feng, Aizhen (1993). Fuqing Fangyan Yanjiu ぶくきよし方言ほうげん研究けんきゅう (1st ed.). Beijing: Shehui Kexue Wenxian Chubanshe 社会しゃかい科学かがく文献ぶんけん出版しゅっぱんしゃ. ISBN 9787800503900.
  7. ^ Finals that end in "h" in Foochow Romanized have lost the final glottal stop represented by the "h", and have merged with the light entering tone.
  8. ^ ぶくせいしむら編纂へんさん委員いいんかい:《ぶくせいこころざし》, 1994, 廈門大學だいがく出版しゅっぱんしゃ (Xiamen University Press), 《まきさんじゅう方言ほうげん》 (Vol. 30: Topolects).
  9. ^ Standard nomenclature refers to names of the tones as used in modern Chinese academia, which is also used by Standard Mandarin. This article follows this convention.
  10. ^ おう建華けんか etc.:れんけん國民こくみん小學しょうがく鄉土きょうどげん教材きょうざいふくしゅう だいいちさつ(教師きょうししゅさつ),れんけん政府せいふみんこくきゅうじゅうねん:p.8. This article uses the terminology from this textbook.
  11. ^ ちんさわたいら:閩語しん探索たんさく, Shanghai, Far East Publishing House, 2003: p.25.
  12. ^ とうおきみん:閩音研究けんきゅう, Beijing, Scientific Publishing House, 1956, p.15:「連語れんご,而有文法ぶんぽうじょうみつきり關係かんけいのり發生はっせいるい現象げんしょう,其變則へんそくずいじょういんはは陰陽いんようしもごえははくみべつ而異……。」
  13. ^ 袁家驊:漢語かんご方言ほうげん概要がいよう, Beijing, Language and Literature Publishing House, 2003: p. 289.
  14. ^ Ye Xiangling さち苓 (1993). Suzhou fang yan ci dian 蘇州そしゅう方言ほうげんてん (1st ed.). Nanjing: Jiangsu jiao yu chu ban she 江蘇ちぁんすー教育きょういく出版しゅっぱんしゃ. ISBN 9787534319969.
  15. ^ Cantonese Readings from Chinese Character Database: With Word-formations Phonologically Disambiguated According to the Cantonese Dialect
  16. ^ Schuessler, Axel (2009). Minimal Old Chinese and later Han Chinese : a companion to Grammata serica recensa. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press. pp. 2–3. ISBN 9780824832643. Retrieved 3 August 2022.
  17. ^ 如龙 Li Rulong; おうますさきがけ Wang Shengkui (2001). 戚林はちおとこうちゅう Qilin Bayin Xiaozhu (1st ed.). Fuzhou: 福建ふっけん人民じんみん出版しゅっぱんしゃ Fujian People's Publishing House. p. 12. ISBN 9787211020225.
  18. ^ しゅうやすしけん地方ちほうこころざしへんかいしゅうやすしけんしむら北京ぺきん中國ちゅうごく科技かぎ出版しゅっぱんしゃ,1993ねんだいさんじゅうよんへん方言ほうげん漢字かんじしゅうやすしおと該卷どう音字おんじひょう
  19. ^ すなたいら. 福建ふっけんしょうやすしとく方言ほうげん同音どうおん字彙じい. 方言ほうげん. April 1999:282-295.
  20. ^ りょうたまあきら如龍:ふくしゅう方言ほうげんこころざしふくしゅう海風かいふう出版しゅっぱんしゃ,2001ねん出版しゅっぱん說明せつめい
  21. ^ a b 福建ふっけんしょう地方ちほうこころざし編纂へんさん委員いいんかい福建ふっけんしょうこころざし·方言ほうげんこころざし北京ぺきんぽうこころざし出版しゅっぱんしゃ出版しゅっぱん,1998ねん:1ぺーじ
  22. ^ 如龍:福建ふっけん方言ほうげんこころざしふくしゅう福建ふっけん人民じんみん出版しゅっぱんしゃ,1997ねん:24ぺーじ
  23. ^ Based on analysis from Fujian Fangyan福建ふっけん方言ほうげん》, Fujiansheng-zhi: Fangyan-zhi福建ふっけんしょうこころざし方言ほうげんこころざし》 and Fuqingshi-zhi: Fangyan-juanぶくせいこころざし方言ほうげんまき

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